The social conditions which give rise to organized fascist movements are not 
currently present in the US, but there is "more than a whiff of fascism" in the 
culture which is increasingly seeping into Hollywood, notes the other US 
Marxist film critic worth reading, David Walsh, with special reference to the 
Hurt Locker. 

*       *       *

The Hurt Locker, the Academy Awards and the rehabilitation of the Iraq war
By David Walsh 
wsws.org
11 March 2010

This year’s Academy Awards ceremony was a spectacle of banality and cowardice.

The three films the Academy rewarded most highly, The Hurt Locker, Precious and 
Inglourious Basterds, collectively embody something retrograde and foul in the 
film industry, and all fly under false flags.

The Hurt Locker, despite claims about its “apolitical” or “non-partisan” 
character, proves in its own unsavory fashion to be a pro-war and 
pro-imperialist film. Far from offering a compassionate view of inner-city 
African-American life in America, Precious wallows in social backwardness, 
which it blames on the oppressed themselves. Quentin Tarantino’s repulsive 
Inglourious Basterds postures as an “anti-Nazi” film, but offers its own brand 
of porno-sadism, which has more than a whiff of fascism about it.

Three genuinely appalling works.

Seven years ago, in March 2003, only days after the launching of the illegal 
invasion of Iraq, documentary filmmaker Michael Moore—accepting an Oscar for 
Bowling for Columbine—denounced George W. Bush as a “fictitious president,” 
adding, “We live in a time where we have a man sending us to war for fictitious 
reasons… [We] are against this war, Mr. Bush. Shame on you.”

Seven years after Moore’s principled statement, the film industry officially 
threw in the towel last Sunday night in the most disgraceful manner, giving up 
even the pretense of opposition to the colonial-style wars in the Middle East 
and Central Asia. The choice of The Hurt Locker as Best Picture, in fact, is 
part of an ongoing and concerted rehabilitation of the Iraq war taking place 
within the liberal political and media establishment.

From the Nation, whose Robert Dreyfuss sees “Hopeful Signs” in the recent fraud 
of an election in Iraq, to the Democratic Party think tank, the Center for 
American Progress, which claims that the same elections “represent the latest 
step by Iraqis to reassert control of their own affairs,” the official left and 
liberal milieu is signaling its endorsement of the permanent US presence in 
Iraq, aimed at controlling the country’s vast oil reserves.

The well-heeled “anti-war” liberals in Hollywood, for whom opposition to the 
Iraq invasion in 2003 had a great deal to do with a cultural, psychological 
animus toward the Bush administration, have also come around. The election of 
Barack Obama represented for them, as for an entire social milieu, the 
fulfillment of their political aspirations.

The director of The Hurt Locker, Kathryn Bigelow, in her acceptance speech for 
the Best Directing award, took the opportunity “to dedicate this to the women 
and men in the military who risk their lives on a daily basis in Iraq and 
Afghanistan and around the world.” Later, accepting for Best Picture, she 
reiterated, “Perhaps one more dedication, to men and women all over the world 
who… wear a uniform… They’re there for us and we’re there for them.”

They are not there “for us.” The US military is a professional, not a conscript 
army, operating as something akin to a hit squad on a global scale in the 
interests of the American financial elite. All sorts of ex-lefts and liberals 
are now rallying around the imperialist war efforts, often through the formula 
of the need to “support the troops.” This is a miserable and cowardly slogan. 
In practice, it means the effort to discourage and suppress criticism of the 
origins, conduct and aims of the brutal conflicts.

The success of the awards campaign for The Hurt Locker speaks to the 
intellectual bankruptcy of critics and the Hollywood elite alike. The film did 
not go over well with the public, but, as Jeremy Kay, writing in the Guardian, 
noted, “the thriller had become a critical darling, hailed as the best Iraq war 
film to come out of the US, and indeed the best visceral slice of war on screen 
in many a year.” It is no such thing, but far better films such as Battle for 
Haditha and In the Valley of Elah, and others, were deliberately marginalized 
by the American media.

The public relations firm hired to handle The Hurt Locker focused on the 
prospect of Bigelow as the first female director to win an Oscar. “The idea was 
intoxicating,” writes Kay, “and I can attest to the speed with which it coursed 
through Hollywood’s bloodstream. Within a day of the nominations on 2 February, 
there was barely talk of anything else.”

In other words, the director’s gender trumped everything else. Of course, this 
is not the whole story. Academy voters also flocked to The Hurt Locker because 
of its theme.

In the guise of objectivity and “authenticity,” Bigelow’s film presents the 
Iraq war from the vantage point of a “wild man,” bomb disposal expert Staff 
Sgt. William James. The presence of US forces as an army of occupation is never 
questioned, and the work of this fearless (frankly, psychotic) individual is 
presented as heroically saving thousands of lives.

The short stretches of dialogue placed between the various bomb disposal set 
pieces are contrived and unconvincing. Bigelow has no sense of what soldiers 
are like, or how human beings interact. Her films (The Loveless, Near Dark, 
Blue Steel, Point Break, Strange Days) are not made from life, but from 
confused and murky schemas, including bits and pieces of post-structuralist and 
postmodernist philosophy.

In her first film, The Set-Up (1978), for example, two men slug it out in an 
alley while, according to the New York Times, “semioticians Sylvère Lotringer 
and Marshall Blonsky deconstruct the images in voice-over.” Bigelow once 
elaborated on its theme: “The piece ends with Sylvère talking about the fact 
that in the 1960s you think of the enemy as outside yourself, in other words, a 
police officer, the government, the system, but that’s not really the case at 
all, fascism is very insidious, we reproduce it all the time.”

One wants to say, one more time, speak for yourself! Bigelow is obviously 
fascinated by violence and power… and war, which she considers seductive and 
“exceedingly dramatic.” Bigelow adheres to the idea “that there’s probably a 
fundamental necessity for conflict” and finds herself drawn to the notion of “a 
psychology of addiction, or attraction, to combat.”

Admirers claim Bigelow is lamenting or criticizing such a supposed state of 
affairs. On the contrary, The Hurt Locker glories in and glamorizes violence, 
which the filmmaker associates with “heightened emotional responses.” All of 
this, including its element of half-baked Nietzscheanism, is quite unhealthy 
and even sinister, but corresponds to definite moods within sections of what 
passes for a “radical” intelligentsia in the US.

Bigelow’s movie, from a script by former embedded reporter Mark Boal, is not 
anti-war. It merely pauses now and then to meditate on the heavy price American 
soldiers pay for slaughtering Iraqi insurgents and citizens. As long as they 
pull long faces and show signs of fatigue and stress, US forces, as far as 
Bigelow is apparently concerned, can go right on killing and wreaking havoc.

As the World Socialist Web Site review noted last August, “The film’s greatest 
fallacy is that its makers apparently believe it possible to accurately portray 
the psychological and moral state of US troops without addressing the character 
of the Iraq enterprise as a whole, as though the latter does not affect how 
soldiers act and think.”

The Hurt Locker succeeded with the Hollywood voters, as one commentator noted 
approvingly, because it “doesn’t force viewers to make a political judgment 
about the war,” i.e., it accommodates itself to the ultra-right, the Pentagon 
and the Obama administration.

The annual Academy Awards ceremony is more than simply an opportunity for 
Hollywood to celebrate itself. The broadcast (seen this year by some 40 million 
people in the US) has become one of the rituals of American public life, a 
further way in which public opinion is shaped and manipulated.

Hence, in line with every other such occasion, the awards show is now an 
entirely canned and sterile event from beginning to end. No one is allowed—or 
would apparently think—to get out of line, there are virtually no unscripted 
moments. While the Oscar ceremony may never have had a golden age, there was a 
time when the event included the possibility at least of genuine sentiment, 
even of opposition.

Even the documentary feature award, which Moore won for his film in 2003, was 
tightly controlled. Judith Ehrlich and Rick Goldsmith’s The Most Dangerous Man 
In America: Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers was one of the nominees 
this year in that category. Ellsberg, who made public the Pentagon’s secret 
history of the Vietnam War in 1971 and delivered a blow against the 
government’s version of events, was present for the Academy Awards ceremony 
last Sunday. In the present atmosphere dominated by corruption and fear, how 
embarrassing it would have been to be reminded about someone who once stood up 
to the authorities!

Instead, The Cove, a film about a Japanese fishing village where thousands of 
dolphins and porpoises are harvested annually, took the prize. The subject may 
be a worthy one, but it is considerably less important than stopping the 
murderous Vietnam War, or its equivalents today, the wars in Iraq and 
Afghanistan.

This year’s academy awards, in short, was a new low point. Honest directors and 
writers and actors in Hollywood will have to open their mouths and act. The 
present situation is simply untenable from the point of view of filmmaking, and 
society as a whole._______________________________________________
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