Fear Strikes Out

By Paul Krugman
New York Times
March 22, 2010

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/22/opinion/22krugman.html?ref=opinion

The day before Sunday's health care vote, President
Obama gave an unscripted talk to House Democrats. Near
the end, he spoke about why his party should pass
reform: "Every once in a while a moment comes where you
have a chance to vindicate all those best hopes that
you had about yourself, about this country, where you
have a chance to make good on those promises that you
made ... And this is the time to make true on that
promise. We are not bound to win, but we are bound to
be true. We are not bound to succeed, but we are bound
to let whatever light we have shine."

And on the other side, here's what Newt Gingrich, the
Republican former speaker of the House - a man
celebrated by many in his party as an intellectual
leader - had to say: If Democrats pass health reform,
"They will have destroyed their party much as Lyndon
Johnson shattered the Democratic Party for 40 years" by
passing civil rights legislation.

I'd argue that Mr. Gingrich is wrong about that:
proposals to guarantee health insurance are often
controversial before they go into effect - Ronald
Reagan famously argued that Medicare would mean the end
of American freedom - but always popular once enacted.

But that's not the point I want to make today. Instead,
I want you to consider the contrast: on one side, the
closing argument was an appeal to our better angels,
urging politicians to do what is right, even if it
hurts their careers; on the other side, callous
cynicism. Think about what it means to condemn health
reform by comparing it to the Civil Rights Act. Who in
modern America would say that L.B.J. did the wrong
thing by pushing for racial equality? (Actually, we
know who: the people at the Tea Party protest who
hurled racial epithets at Democratic members of
Congress on the eve of the vote.)

And that cynicism has been the hallmark of the whole
campaign against reform.

Yes, a few conservative policy intellectuals, after
making a show of thinking hard about the issues,
claimed to be disturbed by reform's fiscal implications
(but were strangely unmoved by the clean bill of fiscal
health from the Congressional Budget Office) or to want
stronger action on costs (even though this reform does
more to tackle health care costs than any previous
legislation). For the most part, however, opponents of
reform didn't even pretend to engage with the reality
either of the existing health care system or of the
moderate, centrist plan - very close in outline to the
reform Mitt Romney introduced in Massachusetts - that
Democrats were proposing.

Instead, the emotional core of opposition to reform was
blatant fear-mongering, unconstrained either by the
facts or by any sense of decency.

It wasn't just the death panel smear. It was racial
hate-mongering, like a piece in Investor's Business
Daily declaring that health reform is "affirmative
action on steroids, deciding everything from who
becomes a doctor to who gets treatment on the basis of
skin color." It was wild claims about abortion funding.
It was the insistence that there is something
tyrannical about giving young working Americans the
assurance that health care will be available when they
need it, an assurance that older Americans have enjoyed
ever since Lyndon Johnson - whom Mr. Gingrich considers
a failed president - pushed Medicare through over the
howls of conservatives.

And let's be clear: the campaign of fear hasn't been
carried out by a radical fringe, unconnected to the
Republican establishment. On the contrary, that
establishment has been involved and approving all the
way. Politicians like Sarah Palin - who was, let us
remember, the G.O.P.'s vice-presidential candidate -
eagerly spread the death panel lie, and supposedly
reasonable, moderate politicians like Senator Chuck
Grassley refused to say that it was untrue. On the eve
of the big vote, Republican members of Congress warned
that "freedom dies a little bit today" and accused
Democrats of "totalitarian tactics," which I believe
means the process known as "voting."

Without question, the campaign of fear was effective:
health reform went from being highly popular to wide
disapproval, although the numbers have been improving
lately. But the question was, would it actually be
enough to block reform?

And the answer is no. The Democrats have done it. The
House has passed the Senate version of health reform,
and an improved version will be achieved through
reconciliation.

This is, of course, a political victory for President
Obama, and a triumph for Nancy Pelosi, the House
speaker. But it is also a victory for America's soul.
In the end, a vicious, unprincipled fear offensive
failed to block reform. This time, fear struck out.

Copyright 2010 The New York Times Company
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