Marxism-Thaxis] Second part on Finance Capitalism 2001
Charles Brown CharlesB at cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us
Sat Jan 6 10:58:09 MST 2001

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[ Part II]

The global financial upheavals since 1997 have damaged not only
financial markets, but national economies along their paths. The
Mexican crisis of 1994, the South Korean crisis of 1997-98 (the only
one in Asian the US intervened because Brazilian investors were
holding Korean bonds), and the

Brazilian crisis of 1998, Argentina and Turkey in 2000, are all
victims who have become permanent patients in the critical care unit
of the IMF.  Yet the US economy has been immune mostly because the
Fed, taking advantage of the unique position of the dollar as the
anchor currency in the existing international finance architecture,
and its ability to print dollars unimpeded, applied a bailout standard
on the US economy much less demanding than what the US required of the
IMF for other economies.  In recent decades, the Treasury and the
White House have effectively usurped much of the Fed's alleged
independence through the back door of foreign exchange rate policy
which narrows domestic interest rates options.  A strong dollar policy
is part of US financial hegemony.  It is a national security postion
of the White House that the Fed must support.

The credit bubble has been largely responsible for the spectacular
growth of the financial infrastructure. The narrow focus on rising
market capitalization value has obscured the high leverage in the US
economy and to a lesser degree in the global economy.  Global equity
markets rebound within months out of the debris of sequential
financial crises while the local economies stay depressed for years.
Recovery is proclaimed all over Asia while people remain jobless and
desperately poor.  Stock options became currency not only for
management compensation and corporate mergers, but for the general
working population in the so-called New Economy and for seeding new
enterprises.  Loans collateralized by inflated market capitalization
are preferred to liquidation as a devise to skirt capital gain taxes.
These loans magnify growth in a rising market and they magnify
contraction in a falling market.

The Fed eased in 1998 after the Russian default.  History would
decid whether the Fed did the right thing by allowing Russia to
default.  But there is now clear evidence that the Fed panicked and
eased excessively after the Russian default and after the LTCM
bailout, thus exacerbating the post 1998 bubble, foreclosing the
prospect of a soft landing.

A bubble is formed when there is aggregate overstating of financial
value.  Its existence saps real growth because profit can then be
earned more easily from speculation than from increased productivity.
That was the virus that seriously wounded the Japanese economy and
kept it depressed for over a decade.  It is now killing the US
economy.

The phenomenon that turned the dollar into the base currency for world
trade is oil related.  The US abandoned the Bretton Woods regime of
gold-backed fixed exchange rates in 1971 but the dollar remained the
anchor currency for world trade.  The 1973 oil embargo gave APEC
control of the oil market and its pricing. But oil is transacted with
dollars. The black gold trade reinforced the dollar as the
international trade currency, despite the fact that it has not been
backed by US monetary and fiscal discipline for decades.  Gold
everybody wants but nobody needs. But oil, everybody needs in the
modern world.  The pricing of oil then becomes the true anchor for the
value of the dollar, not the Fed's monetary measures.  When the price
of oil rises, the dollar depreciates in real terms. When it falls, the
dollar appreciates.  For most of last decade, the US has managed to
keep oil prices low, around $10/barrel, reaping the benefit of a
strong dollar with low inflation.  But cheap oil price discourages
conservation and exploration which eventually will cause oil prices to
rise.  $30 oil is expensive only in relative terms to recent prices,
but its impact on the economic bubble is significant.

The rise in oil prices in 1973 was handled by the recycling of oil
dollars into US assets.  It was the same strategy used to finance the
US trade deficit in a decade of globalization, until 1997. By the
1980s, as oil dollars accumulated, the US economy, beset by the burst
of a credit bubble which produced stagflation, was unable to absorb
further investment at expected returns. The transnational financial
institutions then discovered Third World lending which produced high
returns commensurate with high risk.  But as Walter Wriston
proclaimed: "Banks go bankrupt, but countries don't."  Thus oil money
can earn high returns without commensurate risk in Third World loans,
as governments will always bailout such loans. As history records,
Third World borrowers defaulted en mass.  By 1982, nine US banks had
lent Mexico alone $13.4 billion, representing 50% of their combined
capital. To handle the impact of sovereign default, Mexico temporarily
closed its foreign exchange window and converted all foreign currency
accounts into pesos and demanded a debt restructuring which the banks
reluctantly complied.  The US banking system was seriously weaken as a
result of Third World debt.

U.S. Treasury Secretary Nicholas Brady, in the 1980s in association
with the IMF and World Bank sponsored the effort to permanently
restructure outstanding sovereign loans and interest arrears into
liquid debt instruments.  Brady Bonds represent the restructured bank
debt of Latin American and other emerging nations that overborrowed
from U.S.  institutions.  Designed to prevent financial meltdown for
lenders and borrowers alike, Bradys are normally collateralized by
U.S. zero-coupon bonds of various maturities. That means principal is
guaranteed, but most bonds' coupons are not.  If a country can't make
its interest payments, investors can collect 100% of their principal
when the bonds come due. But they lose out on interest, and they have
tied up their money for years instead of putting it into a paying
investment. And because the bonds no longer pay interest, their value
in the secondary market plummets to only a fraction of their face
value. This market is extremely volatile, reacting to moves in
U.S. bond prices and especially to bad news from emerging nations,
such as the Mexican peso devaluation of 1994.  Hedge funds, insurance
companies, and other institutional investors have been willing to take
that chance lately. Meanwhile, the managers of U.S.  open-end mutual
funds dedicated to emerging-market debt are insisting that Brady bonds
have gone mainstream. Countries involved in the Brady Plan
restructuring: Argentina, Brazil, Bulgaria, Costa Rica, Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, Mexico, Morocco, Nigeria, Philippines, Poland,
Uruguay.  Some countries like Mexico, Venezuela, and Nigeria have
attached to their Par and Discount bonds rights or warrants which
grant bondholders the right to recover a portion of debt or debt
service reduction as stated in the Exchange Agreements, should their
debt servicing capacity improve. In effect, some are known as Oil
Warrants because they are linked to oil export prices and thus to the
oil export receipts.  The collateral consists of funds maintained in a
cash account usually at the Federal Reserve Bank in New York and
typically invested in AA- or better securities, for the purpose of
paying the interest should a debtor country not honor an interest
payment. A rolling interest guarantee (usually 12 to 18 months or 2 to
3 coupon payments) remains in effect as each successive coupon payment
is made and the collateral continues to guarantee the next successive
unsecured coupon payment. In the event the collateral is used, there
is no obligation to replace it.

In the 1987 crash, Greenspan, merely nine weeks as Chairman, flooded
the system with reserves by having the FOMC buy massive quantities of
government securities from the market, and announced the next day that
the Fed would "serve as liquidity to support the economic and
financial system."  Some accuse Greenspan for bringing on the crash by
raising the discount rate 50 basis points to 6%.  Portfolio insurance
has been identified as having exacerbating the crash.  The technique
involves selling stock futures when stock prices fall to limit or
insure a portfolio against large losses.  This gives index
arbitrageurs the opportunity to benefit from lower future prices by
buying futures in Chicago and selling the stock market in New York,
adding selling pressure in the market.  But the fundamental cause of
the 1987 crash was the trend of corporation moving to debt from equity
financing. Corporate new debt tripled in a decade, with debt service
taking up 22% of internal cash flow.  Total nonfinancial debt was 200%
GDP in 1987, compared to about 120% in 1977. Corporate credit ratings
deteriorated but the lending did not cease because funds were being
raised in the non-bank credit markets.

Historians have identified the causes of the 1930 Depression as:

1) Too much savings in relation to consumer power due to income
disparity;
2) Over capacity due to excessive investment from surplus capital;
3) Over stimulation through the growth of debt through new intricate
system of inter linked debt obligations;
4) Legalized price fixing through mergers and acquisitions; big
corporations maintain price and cut production instead of lowering prices,
resulting in massive unemployment;
5) Economic growth too heavily dependent of big ticket durable goods that
cannot sell in a depression thus slowing recovery;
6) Exhaustion of public confidence and optimism; and
7) The collapse of international trade (Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act).
8) Irresponsible foreign lending (the US was a creditor nation with a
credit balance about twice the size of the total foreign investment in the
US.)

Now every one of these causes is still present today at a larger scale
and faster reaction time, with the exception that the US is now the
world's biggest debtor nation.

Greenspan testified in 1998: "We should note that were banks required
by the market, or their regulator, to hold 40 percent capital against
assets as they did after the Civil War, there would, of course, be far
less moral hazard and far fewer instances of fire-sale market
disruptions. At the same time, far fewer banks would be profitable,
the degree of financial intermediation less, capital would be more
costly, and the level of output and standards of living decidedly
lower. Our current economy, with its wide financial safety net, fiat
money, and highly leveraged financial institutions, has been a
conscious choice of the American people since the 1930s. We do not
have the choice of accepting the benefits of the current system
without its costs."  Well the costs are coming headlong like a runaway
freight train.  Whole testimony:
http://www.bog.frb.fed.us/boarddocs/testimony/1998/19981001.htm

Experts note that each financial crisis is unique, which probably is
true in detail.  These experts also seek comfort in the observation
that the identified excesses of past crashes have been deal with
through new regulatory measures, which is also undeniable.  Yet
financial crisis have persistent common threads in that they seem to
defy precise anticipation and that their occurrence leave serious
structural damage. Thus the requirement of a conservative debt to
equity ratio is needed to protect the system from policy misjudgement.
Yet the American system prospers on living on the edge through
maximization and socialization of risk, thus building in failure or
collapse that hurts no just the willing risk takers, but the general
public who has been put into risky situations they cannot afford by
the sales talks of sophisticated risk management.

Will history compare Clinton to Coolidge and Bush II to Hoover?

Henry C.K. Liu
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