Julio Huato wrote:
> If you have a WSJ subscription, would you care to post the op ed
> article on the list?  Thanks in advance.

U.S. Debt and the Greece Analogy; Don't be fooled by today's low 
interest rates. The government could very quickly discover the 
limits of its borrowing capacity.

A private swap rate is the fixed interest rate required of a 
private bank or corporation to be exchanged for a series of cash 
flow payments, based on floating interest rates, for a particular 
length of time. A dollar swap spread is the swap rate less the 
interest rate on U.S. Treasury debt of the same maturity. At the 
height of budget surplus euphoria in 2000, the Office of 
Management and Budget, the Congressional Budget Office and the 
Federal Reserve foresaw an elimination of marketable federal debt 
securities outstanding.

An urgency to rein in budget deficits seems to be gaining some 
traction among American lawmakers. If so, it is none too soon. 
Perceptions of a large U.S. borrowing capacity are misleading.

Despite the surge in federal debt to the public during the past 18 
months--to $8.6 trillion from $5.5 trillion--inflation and 
long-term interest rates, the typical symptoms of fiscal excess, 
have remained remarkably subdued. This is regrettable, because it 
is fostering a sense of complacency that can have dire consequences.

The roots of the apparent debt market calm are clear enough. The 
financial crisis, triggered by the unexpected default of Lehman 
Brothers in September 2008, created a collapse in global demand 
that engendered a high degree of deflationary slack in our 
economy. The very large contraction of private financing demand 
freed private saving to finance the explosion of federal debt. 
Although our financial institutions have recovered perceptibly and 
returned to a degree of solvency, banks, pending a significant 
increase in capital, remain reluctant to lend.

Beneath the calm, there are market signals that do not bode well 
for the future. For generations there had been a large buffer 
between the borrowing capacity of the U.S. government and the 
level of its debt to the public. But in the aftermath of the 
Lehman Brothers collapse, that gap began to narrow rapidly. 
Federal debt to the public rose to 59% of GDP by mid-June 2010 
from 38% in September 2008. How much borrowing leeway at current 
interest rates remains for U.S. Treasury financing is highly 
uncertain.

The U.S. government can create dollars at will to meet any 
obligation, and it will doubtless continue to do so. U.S. 
Treasurys are thus free of credit risk. But they are not free of 
interest rate risk. If Treasury net debt issuance were to double 
overnight, for example, newly issued Treasury securities would 
continue free of credit risk, but the Treasury would have to pay 
much higher interest rates to market its newly issued securities.

In the wake of recent massive budget deficits, the difference 
between the 10-year swap rate and 10-year Treasury note yield (the 
swap spread) declined to an unprecedented negative 13 basis points 
this March from a positive 77 basis points in September 2008. This 
indicated that investors were requiring the U.S. Treasury to pay 
an interest rate higher than rates that prevailed on comparable 
maturity private swaps.

(A private swap rate is the fixed interest rate required of a 
private bank or corporation to be exchanged for a series of cash 
flow payments, based on floating interest rates, for a particular 
length of time. A dollar swap spread is the swap rate less the 
interest rate on U.S. Treasury debt of the same maturity.)

At the height of budget surplus euphoria in 2000, the Office of 
Management and Budget, the Congressional Budget Office and the 
Federal Reserve foresaw an elimination of marketable federal debt 
securities outstanding. The 10-year swap spread in August 2000 
reached a record 130 basis points. As the projected surplus 
disappeared and deficits mounted, the 10-year swap spread 
progressively declined, turning negative this March, and continued 
to deteriorate until the unexpected euro-zone crisis granted a 
reprieve to the U.S.

The 10-year swap spread quickly regained positive territory and by 
June 14 stood at a plus 12 basis points. The sharp decline in the 
euro-dollar exchange rate since March reflects a large, but 
temporary, swing in the intermediate demand for U.S. Treasury 
securities at the expense of euro issues.

The 10-year swap spread understandably has emerged as a sensitive 
proxy of Treasury borrowing capacity: a so-called canary in the 
coal mine.

I grant that low long-term interest rates could continue for 
months, or even well into next year. But just as easily, long-term 
rate increases can emerge with unexpected suddenness. Between 
early October 1979 and late February 1980, for example, the yield 
on the 10-year note rose almost four percentage points.

In the 1950s, as I remember them, U.S. federal budget deficits 
were no more politically acceptable than households spending 
beyond their means. Regrettably, that now quaint notion gave way 
over the decades, such that today it is the rare politician who 
doesn't run on seemingly costless spending increases or tax cuts 
with borrowed money. A low tax burden is essential to maintain 
America's global competitiveness. But tax cuts need to be funded 
by permanent outlay reductions.

The current federal debt explosion is being driven by an inability 
to stem new spending initiatives. Having appropriated hundreds of 
billions of dollars on new programs in the last year and a half, 
it is very difficult for Congress to deny an additional one or two 
billion dollars for programs that significant constituencies 
perceive as urgent. The federal government is currently saddled 
with commitments for the next three decades that it will be unable 
to meet in real terms. This is not new. For at least a quarter 
century analysts have been aware of the pending surge in baby 
boomer retirees.

We cannot grow out of these fiscal pressures. The modest-sized 
post-baby-boom labor force, if history is any guide, will not be 
able to consistently increase output per hour by more than 3% 
annually. The product of a slowly growing labor force and limited 
productivity growth will not provide the real resources necessary 
to meet existing commitments. (We must avoid persistent borrowing 
from abroad. We cannot count on foreigners to finance our current 
account deficit indefinitely.)

Only politically toxic cuts or rationing of medical care, a marked 
rise in the eligible age for health and retirement benefits, or 
significant inflation, can close the deficit. I rule out large tax 
increases that would sap economic growth (and the tax base) and 
accordingly achieve little added revenues.

With huge deficits currently having no evident effect on either 
inflation or long-term interest rates, the budget constraints of 
the past are missing. It is little comfort that the dollar is 
still the least worst of the major fiat currencies. But the 
inexorable rise in the price of gold indicates a large number of 
investors are seeking a safe haven beyond fiat currencies.

The United States, and most of the rest of the developed world, is 
in need of a tectonic shift in fiscal policy. Incremental change 
will not be adequate. In the past decade the U.S. has been unable 
to cut any federal spending programs of significance.

I believe the fears of budget contraction inducing a renewed 
decline of economic activity are misplaced. The current spending 
momentum is so pressing that it is highly unlikely that any 
politically feasible fiscal constraint will unleash new 
deflationary forces. I do not believe that our lawmakers or others 
are aware of the degree of impairment of our fiscal brakes. If we 
contained the amount of issuance of Treasury securities, pressures 
on private capital markets would be eased.

Fortunately, the very severity of the pending crisis and growing 
analogies to Greece set the stage for a serious response. That 
response needs to recognize that the range of error of long-term 
U.S. budget forecasts (especially of Medicare) is, in historic 
perspective, exceptionally wide. Our economy cannot afford a major 
mistake in underestimating the corrosive momentum of this fiscal 
crisis. Our policy focus must therefore err significantly on the 
side of restraint.

Mr. Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve, is 
president of Greenspan Associates LLC and author of "The Age of 
Turbulence: Adventures in a New World" (Penguin, 2007).

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