http://wsws.org/articles/2010/jul2010/pers-j14.shtml
The new normal
14 July 2010

Two months after the announcement of a €750 billion European 
bailout halted a panic on world stock markets triggered by the 
Greek debt crisis, it is clear that this bailout was the occasion 
for a sharp reorientation of European and international politics. 
Claims that the economic crisis was a temporary aberration have 
been set aside. Instead, the continuous impoverishment of the 
working class is to be the “new normal.”

The bailout was designed to stem a stock market selloff driven by 
fears of opposition in the working class and bitter infighting 
between major European powers over how to fund Greek and 
international debts. It was reportedly arranged after threats that 
France would otherwise abandon the euro. European Central Bank 
chief Jean-Claude Trichet warned that relations between the 
European states were the most tense since the outbreak of World 
War II.

As the ruling class contemplated the risks inherent in dissolving 
the common currency—the breakdown of European trade, the collapse 
of German exports, even the possibility of a Franco-German war—it 
decided to save the euro on the backs of the workers.

Funds to repay the bailout, which amounts to yet another gigantic 
handout to the major banks, are to come from social cuts on a 
truly unprecedented scale. This decision was seconded by the 
installation of a British Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition 
government in May, and formally ratified by the world’s major 
powers at last month’s G20 summit in Toronto. The G20 communiqué 
declared that “countries with serious fiscal challenges need to 
accelerate the pace of consolidation”—that is, budget-cutting.

The austerity measures extend well beyond the shattered economies 
of Greece and Spain, where workers now face new cuts every few 
weeks. They are meant to usher in a transformation of social life 
throughout the Western world.

In Britain, 85 to 100 billion pounds in cuts are expected to cost 
1.3 million jobs, a dramatic rise in homelessness, the collapse of 
infrastructure maintenance and public services, and 25 to 40 
percent reductions in local government budgets.

Germany, the fiscally strongest European state, plans €80 billion 
in cuts.

In France, President Nicolas Sarkozy plans sweeping pension cuts 
and a 10 percent reduction in local government budgets, while 
handing out €30 million tax rebates to well-connected billionaires 
like Liliane Bettencourt.

This broader shift in policy highlights the significance of the US 
government’s recent refusal to extend unemployment benefits—a 
decision threatening to leave millions of workers destitute. 
Instead, the Obama administration is promoting its National Export 
Initiative, announced in the president’s State of the Union 
address last January. This measure aims to double US exports by 
forcing American workers to compete, through a brutal reduction in 
their wages combined with higher productivity, with their 
impoverished counterparts in countries like China, India and Vietnam.

The ruling classes sense that their policies will face mass 
working class opposition. Hence, their austerity programs are 
accompanied by a press campaign to legitimize dictatorship and war.

Coordinated budget cuts, while temporarily staving off inter-state 
conflict within Europe, only aggravate tensions between the 
imperialist countries and rising powers such as China. At the same 
time, the austerity measures decrease the West’s economic and 
strategic strength relative to newly industrialized countries, 
threatening the established international order with collapse.

Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf notes that, in addition to 
its technological advantages, which are rapidly being eroded, “the 
West reached its pinnacle at least as much by rent-seeking or, to 
put it more bluntly, by plundering the world’s physical and human 
resources.”

Under these conditions, the use of military force to defend the 
prerogatives of the Western financial aristocracy seems 
increasingly appealing to the ruling classes. In a recent 
International Herald Tribune article calling for more European 
military spending, French foreign policy expert Thérèse Delpech 
warned that Asia must be viewed as a “strategic headache” due to 
China’s rising economic importance worldwide. In the case of a 
US-Chinese conflict, she added, Europe must be ready to wage war 
against Beijing “in the Middle East, for example, helping block 
maritime routes” carrying oil to China.

Internal as well as external opposition is to be targeted for 
violent assault—as shown by the police repression of the G20 
protests in Toronto, mass police roundups in Colombo, and the Thai 
army’s massacre of Red Shirt protestors in May. Underlying this 
repression is the growing feeling that only such measures will 
allow the ruling classes to preserve their privileges.

In a recent Globe and Mail comment, editorialist Neil Reynolds 
asked if democracy can “peaceably” dismantle the welfare state, 
answering: “No, it can’t.” Focusing on Italy, he observed that the 
one force in history that had been able to slash state debt and 
government expenditure was Mussolini’s fascist regime, which took 
power in 1922.

Such comments highlight the profound political and moral crisis of 
capitalism. It stands exposed as a system poised to unleash the 
same poverty and bloodshed it produced in the first half the 20th 
century. In their drive to slash social spending and prepare for 
war, the ruling classes turn governments into a chemically pure 
illustration of the Marxist definition of the state as a 
collection of bodies of armed men whose purpose is to enforce the 
material interests of the ruling class.

Until now, workers have found themselves blocked from effective 
opposition to social reaction and war because the existing 
political organizations are led by middle-class charlatans or 
right-wing union bureaucrats, hostile to a struggle against 
capitalism and fight for socialism. Even one-day “general strikes” 
in Greece or France are a form of political shadowboxing, in which 
popular opposition is contained and dispersed by trade union 
officials who are preparing, negotiating, and helping implement 
the cuts.

Workers can oppose the ruling class policies of social reaction 
and war only by breaking with these treacherous organizations and 
undertaking a revolutionary struggle for socialism.

Alex Lantier
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