[one highlight is the stuff on Obamacare]

New York TIMES / OP-ED July 15, 2010

Economics Behaving Badly
By GEORGE LOEWENSTEIN and PETER UBEL

IT seems that every week a new book or major newspaper article appears
showing that irrational decision-making helped cause the housing
bubble or the rise in health care costs.

Such insights draw on behavioral economics, an increasingly popular
field that incorporates elements from psychology to explain why people
make seemingly irrational decisions, at least according to traditional
economic theory and its emphasis on rational choice. Behavioral
economics helps to explain why, for example, people under-save for
retirement, why they eat too much and exercise too little and why they
buy energy-inefficient light bulbs and appliances. And, by
understanding the causes of these problems, behavioral economics has
spawned a number of creative interventions to deal with them.

But the field has its limits. As policymakers use it to devise
programs, it’s becoming clear that behavioral economics is being asked
to solve problems it wasn’t meant to address. Indeed, it seems in some
cases that behavioral economics is being used as a political
expedient, allowing policymakers to avoid painful but more effective
solutions rooted in traditional economics.

Take, for example, our nation’s obesity epidemic. The fashionable
response, based on the belief that better information can lead to
better behavior, is to influence consumers through things like calorie
labeling — for instance, there’s a mandate in the health care reform
act requiring restaurant chains to post the number of calories in
their dishes.

Calorie labeling is a good thing; dieters should know more about the
foods they are eating. But studies of New York City’s attempt at
calorie posting have found that it has had little impact on dieters’
choices.

Obesity isn’t a result of a lack of information; instead, economists
argue that rising levels of obesity can be traced to falling food
prices, especially for unhealthy processed foods.

To combat the epidemic effectively, then, we need to change the
relative price of healthful and unhealthful food — for example, we
need to stop subsidizing corn, thereby raising the price of high
fructose corn syrup used in sodas, and we also need to consider taxes
on unhealthful foods. But because we lack the political will to change
the price of junk food, we focus on consumer behavior.

Or take conflicts of interest in medicine. Despite volumes of research
showing that pharmaceutical industry gifts distort decisions by
doctors, the medical establishment has not mustered the will to bar
such thinly disguised bribes, and the health care reform act fails to
outlaw them. Instead, much like food labeling, the act includes
“sunshine” provisionsthat will simply make information about these
gifts available to the public. We have shifted the burden from
industry, which has the power to change the way it does business, to
the relatively uninformed and powerless consumer.

The same pattern can be seen in health care reform itself. The act
promises to achieve the admirable goal of insuring most Americans, yet
it fails to address the more fundamental problem of health care costs.
Instead of requiring individuals to pay out of pocket if they choose
to receive expensive and unproven interventions, the act tries to
lower costs by promoting incentive programs that reward healthy
behaviors.

Prevention is certainly a worthy goal; it is much better to prevent a
case of lung cancer than to treat it. But efforts to improve public
health, even if enhanced by insights from behavioral economics, are
unlikely to have a major impact on health care costs. Studies show
that preventive medicine, even when it works, rarely saves money.

Our over-reliance on behavioral economics is not limited to health
care. A “gallons-per-mile” bill recently passed by the New York State
Senate is intended to help drivers think more clearly about the fuel
consumption of the vehicles they purchase; research has shown that
gallons-per-mile is a more effective means of getting drivers to
appreciate the realities of fuel consumption than the traditional
miles-per-gallon.

But more and better information fails to get at the core of the
problem: people drive large, energy-inefficient cars because gas is
still relatively cheap. An increase in the gas tax that made the price
of gas reflect its true costs would be a far more effective — though
much more politically painful — way to reduce fuel consumption.

Similarly, Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain recently promoted
behavioral economics as a remedy for his country’s over-use of
electricity, citing what he claimed were remarkable results from a
study that reduced household electricity use by informing consumers of
how their use compared to that of their neighbors.

Under closer scrutiny, however, tests of the program found that better
information reduced energy use by a mere 1 percent to 2.5 percent —
modest relative to the hopes being pinned on it.

Compare that with the likely results of a solution rooted in
traditional economics: a carbon tax would instantly bring the price of
energy into line with its true cost and would unleash the creative
power of the marketplace to generate cleaner energy sources.

Behavioral economics should complement, not substitute for, more
substantive economic interventions. If traditional economics suggests
that we should have a larger price difference between sugar-free and
sugared drinks, behavioral economics could suggest whether consumers
would respond better to a subsidy on unsweetened drinks or a tax on
sugary drinks.

But that’s the most it can do. For all of its insights, behavioral
economics alone is not a viable alternative to the kinds of
far-reaching policies we need to tackle our nation’s challenges.


George Loewenstein is a professor of economics and psychology at
Carnegie Mellon University. Peter Ubel is a professor of business and
public policy at Duke and the author of “Free Market Madness: Why
Human Nature Is at Odds With Economics.”
-- 
Jim Devine
"All science would be superfluous if the form of appearance of things
directly coincided with their essence." -- KM
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