I know everyone here knows this; but this seems to me exceptionally
well-stated for something appearing in a big city daily. It should be
required reading in freshman economics classes. :)

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-dreier-social-security-20100814,0,6657114.story

Ignore the fear-mongering on Social Security

Today's Social Security critics use many of the same false arguments
of those who tried to stop it 75 years ago. In fact, with only minor
adjustments, the popular program will easily remain solvent.

By Peter Dreier and Donald Cohen

August 14, 2010

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Alf Landon, the Kansas governor running as the Republican Party's 1936
presidential candidate, called it a "fraud on the working man." Silas
Strawn, a former president of both the American Bar Assn. and the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce, said it was part of President Franklin D.
Roosevelt's attempt to "Sovietize the country." The American Medical
Assn. denounced it as a "compulsory socialistic tax."

What was this threat to American prosperity, freedom and democracy
they were all decrying? It was Social Security, which Roosevelt signed
into law on Aug. 14, 1935 — 75 years ago Saturday.

The opponents of Social Security were not right-wing extremists (the
counterparts of today's "tea party") but the business establishment
and the Republican Party mainstream.

In the early Depression years, more than half of America's elderly
lived in poverty. But most business leaders and conservatives
considered the very idea that government had a moral responsibility to
help senior citizens retire with dignity to be outrageously radical, a
dangerous trampling of individual liberty. They predicted that the
Social Security tax would bankrupt the country.

As New York's former governor, Roosevelt knew that business groups had
opposed the most important pieces of social legislation on that
state's books, including the factory inspection law (passed as a
result of the 1911 Triangle Shirt Waist factory fire that killed 146
women), the law limiting women's workweek to 54 hours, unemployment
insurance, pensions for the elderly and public works projects to put
people back to work.

Once elected president, FDR viewed Social Security as part of his
broader New Deal effort to humanize capitalism. Born to privilege, he
understood that many wealthy people considered him a traitor to his
class. They were, he thought, greedy, unenlightened and on the wrong
side of history.

FDR outmaneuvered Social Security's opponents, using his bully pulpit
to explain why they were misguided.

"A few timid people, who fear progress, will try to give you new and
strange names for what we are doing," he said in a June 1934 "fireside
chat" on the radio. "Sometimes they will call it fascism, sometimes
communism, sometimes regimentation, sometimes socialism. But in so
doing, they are trying to make very complex and theoretical something
that is really very simple and very practical.... I believe that what
we are doing today is a necessary fulfillment of what Americans have
always been doing — a fulfillment of old and tested American ideals."

Most Americans agreed. Running for reelection the next year, FDR beat
Landon in a 60.8% to 36.6% landslide.

Today, Social Security insures families against the loss of income
caused by retirement, disability or death. It provides more than $600
billion in benefits to 51 million people. It lifts more than 35
million older Americans out of poverty. One-third of Social Security's
beneficiaries collect survivors or disability insurance, keeping
millions of families with a disabled or deceased breadwinner from
destitution.

Americans view Social Security as a central component of the nation's
social contract. It is probably the most popular federal government
program. Not surprisingly, when President George W. Bush tried to
privatize Social Security — essentially asking Americans to put the
security of their future in the stock market — the people considered
it a preposterous idea, especially after they had watched thousands of
Enron investors lose their savings and saw the stock market lose 38%
of its value between January 2000 and October 2002.

Today, 77% of Americans — even 68% of Republicans — believe that
policymakers in Washington should "leave Social Security alone" and
find other ways to reduce the deficit, according to a national poll in
June by the University of New Hampshire. In fact, 75% of tea party
supporters favor Social Security and Medicare, a New York Times/CBS
News poll found in April.

There are still a handful of Americans who bash Social Security. They
dress up their arguments in different clothing, but their views
haven't changed much from those of their counterparts 75 years ago. We
can't afford Social Security, they say. It's going bankrupt. It will
destroy our economy and our society.

America, one of the world's wealthiest nations, can afford to provide
an economic cushion for the elderly and the disabled. By making some
minor adjustments, Social Security will remain vital and solvent for
this and future generations. Economists say that raising the income
ceiling on the payroll tax, applying the Social Security tax to
nonwage income or adding a modest increase to the payroll tax could
add decades to the health of the Social Security trust fund.

In retrospect, it is obvious that Social Security's Depression-era
opponents engaged in fear-mongering, not economic reality. Their
opposition was based on a free-market fundamentalist ideology that
abhorred any attempt to use government to improve Americans' living
conditions.

Just as the early battle over Social Security wasn't really about
old-age insurance, current fights over public policy are really
placeholders for broader concerns. They are about what kind of country
we want to be and what values we consider most important. Today,
business groups and right-wing zealots oppose healthcare reform,
tougher financial regulations, stronger workplace safety laws,
policies to limit climate change, higher taxes on the rich and
extension of unemployment insurance to the long-term jobless. The
issues vary, but the mantra is the same: This policy will kill jobs,
undermine the entrepreneurial spirit and destroy freedom.

The White House and progressive activists should aggressively
challenge assertions about the disasters that will befall us if
government protects consumers, workers, seniors, children, the
disabled and the environment. Throughout our history, progress has
been made when activists and politicians proposed bold ideas and then
won a series of steppingstone reforms that redefined the social
contract.

[Peter Dreier teaches politics and chairs the Urban & Environmental
Policy program at Occidental College. Donald Cohen is the co-founder
and president of the Center on Policy Initiatives, a San Diego-based
think tank.]


-- 
Robert Naiman
Policy Director
Just Foreign Policy
www.justforeignpolicy.org
nai...@justforeignpolicy.org

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