From: Jim Devine

who was it that said that if Democrats are going to act like
Republicans, why not vote for the real thing?

^^^^^
CB:   Hypothesis. Blue Dog Democrats are disguised Republicans. So,
why don't they just become Republicans ?  Probably, because if they
did, the Democratic Party in their states would become potential
locations for left Democrats to run. And eventually they might start
winning by running against the rich and ruling class. So, the rich
want to keep some right-wingers in the Dem Party so as to control both
parties in those states.


Boot the Blue Dogs

By Ari Berman
October 23, 2010
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/24/opinion/24berman.html

IN 2008, Barack Obama's presidential campaign seemed to
rewrite all the rules in electoral politics and herald
a new progressive era in America. Democrats assembled a
huge Congressional majority and, in the euphoria that
followed the historic election, were poised to enact
sweeping change. However, despite some notable
successes - the stimulus package, health care reform,
tighter rules for the financial industry - things have
not gone according to plan. Just two years later,
Democrats face a bad economy, a skeptical public, a re-
energized Republican Party and a coming avalanche of
losses in the midterm elections.

What happened? One important explanation is that
divisions inside the Democratic coalition, which held
together during the 2008 campaign, have come spilling
out into the open. Conservative Democrats have opposed
key elements of the president's agenda, while liberal
Democrats have howled that their majority is being
hijacked by a rogue group of predominantly white men
from small rural states. President Obama himself
appears caught in the middle, unable to satisfy the
many factions inside his party's big tent.

Conservative Democrats in the House of Representatives
- whose election in 2006 and 2008 enabled Nancy Pelosi
to preside over a supermajority (there are 255
Democrats and 178 Republicans) - increasingly question
whether she should relinquish her position as speaker.
Representative Heath Shuler of western North Carolina,
a leader of the restive Blue Dog Coalition of
Democrats, has even hinted that he may run for her job.
Representative Shuler is an unlikely candidate for
leader of the party - a devout Southern Baptist who
voted against the stimulus, the bank and auto bailouts
and health care reform. Yet he's exactly the kind of
Democrat that the party worked very hard to recruit for
public office.

In 2005, Howard Dean, who was then the chairman of the
Democratic National Committee, carried out a campaign
to elect as many Democrats as possible. In long-ignored
red states, both Mr. Dean and Rahm Emanuel, then the
chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign
Committee, backed conservative Democrats who broke with
the party's leadership on core issues like gun control
and abortion rights. Mr. Shuler was one of Mr.
Emanuel's top recruits. The party leaders did not give
much thought to how a Democratic majority that included
such conservative members could ever effectively
govern.

With President Obama in office, some notable
beneficiaries of the Democrats' 50-state strategy have
been antagonizing the party from within - causing
legislative stalemate in Congress, especially in the
Senate, and casting doubt on the long-term viability of
a Democratic majority. As a result, the activists who
were so inspired by Mr. Dean in 2006 and Mr. Obama in
2008 are now feeling buyer's remorse.

Margaret Johnson, a former party chairwoman in Polk
County, N.C., helped elect Representative Shuler but
now believes the party would be better off without him.
"I'd rather have a real Republican than a fake
Democrat," she said. "A real Republican motivates us to
work. A fake Democrat de-motivates us."

Ms. Johnson is right: Democrats would be in better
shape, and would accomplish more, with a smaller and
more ideologically cohesive caucus. It's a sentiment
that even Mr. Dean now echoes. "Having a big, open-tent
Democratic Party is great, but not at the cost of
getting nothing done," he said. Since the passage of
health care reform, few major bills have passed the
Senate. Although the Democrats have a 59-vote majority,
party leaders can barely find the votes for something
as benign as extending unemployment benefits.

A smaller majority, minus the intraparty feuding, could
benefit Democrats in two ways: first, it could enable
them to devise cleaner pieces of legislation, without
blatantly trading pork for votes as they did with the
deals that helped sour the public on the health care
bill. (As a corollary, the narrative of "Democratic
infighting" would also diminish.)

Second, in the Senate, having a majority of 52 rather
than 59 or 60 would force Democrats to confront the
Republicans' incessant misuse of the filibuster to
require that any piece of legislation garner a minimum
of 60 votes to become law. Since President Obama's
election, more than 420 bills have cleared the House
but have sat dormant in the Senate. It's easy to forget
that George W. Bush passed his controversial 2003 tax
cut legislation with only 50 votes, plus Vice President
Dick Cheney's. Eternal gridlock is not inevitable
unless Democrats allow it to be.

Republicans have become obsessed with ideological
purity, and as a consequence they will likely squander
a few winnable races in places like Delaware. But
Democrats aren't ideological enough. Their conservative
contingent has so blurred what it means to be a
Democrat that the party itself can barely find its way.
Polls show that, despite their best efforts to distance
themselves from Speaker Pelosi and President Obama, a
number of Blue Dog Democrats are likely to be defeated
this November. Their conservative voting records have
deflated Democratic activists but have done nothing to
win Republican support.

Far from hastening the dawn of a post-partisan utopia,
President Obama's election has led to near-absolute
polarization. If Democrats alter their political
strategy accordingly, they'll be more united and more
productive.

Ari Berman, a contributing writer for The Nation, is
the author of "Herding Donkeys: The Fight to Rebuild
the Democratic Party and Reshape American Politics.
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