Jim Devine wrote:

> can you tell us the main points that stand out as new and different?

Okay, I read it quickly, because I have so much work to do.  But,
here's the story -- in brief.

The party will move to give ample financial independence to public
enterprises (to be distinguished from the budgeted entities, such as
administration, hospitals, schools, etc.).  No more control figures
from the planning ministry.  None.  No more resort to the public
budget to keep them afloat.  No more micromanagement from the central
organs of the state.  No more "meddling" by municipalities and
provinces (although there's a provision to fund a local/regional
development fund, which will be manage by those local bodies).
Enterprises will be legal entities responsible for their own finances,
hiring/firing choices, contracts with other enterprises, marketing of
their output; will pay the state taxes and rents.  Public enterprises
will be sharply (legally) separated from the administration of the
state proper.  No word about it, but the presumption is that
adjudication organs will be strengthened and have some autonomy from
the administration of the state. The state will use still ample
regulatory powers, fiscal and monetary policy, control over trade,
forex, and credit to steer them.  There'll be a gradual push to unify
the monetary system (currently split in a convertible and a
non-convertible areas) and domestic prices will be allowed to get more
aligned with the foreign market, although the formal commitment to
quality health care, education, solidarity with the disadvantaged, and
international solidarity remains.  The push to coordinate and
integrate regionally will continue.  Cooperatives will be treated also
as fully independent legal entities able to market their stuff freely
within the regulatory environment.  Self employment will be allowed
(and encouraged).  The push to allocate unused public land to farmers
will continue.  Public education and health care will be subject to
greater financial discipline.  With exceptions, many of the freebies
we enjoyed in schools and workplaces will be dismantled or those
collectives will have to fund them on their own.  The funding of
education and health care will be more in tune with the overall state
of the economy.  Access to higher education will be restricted.
Leftists of the Trotskyst tradition will complain that there's not a
word about workers' control, democracy from below, etc., which doesn't
mean that the political institutions will not be functioning more
substantively (although still with a heavy dose of direction by the
Cuban communists).  This is sheer speculation on my part, but the
emphasis in the party agenda on fostering a civic culture of personal
responsibility manifest in demanding more from enterprises and their
managers and setting high expectations that they, the cooperatives,
and the self employed honor their tax obligations, etc. has to cut
both ways.  Knowing the Cubans, I believe that for that to function as
intended, the higher ups are entering a de facto "social contract" by
which they promise less tolerance to corruption, mismanagement, and
abuse, and *much* more responsiveness to the direct expressions of
discontent from below.  Although that is not included in this project,
because it corresponds to the political (not economic and "social")
realm, the administration of the state proper will also have to
refitted to make the functionaries more personally accountable before
the law.
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