Firing Government Workers to Create Jobs
http://www.cepr.net/index.php/blogs/cepr-blog/firing-government-workers-to-create-jobs
        
Written by Dean Baker and Helene Jorgensen
Sunday, 20 March 2011 08:42

The Republican proposals to slash the budget seem to work from the 
premise that if we fire government employees that we will induce private 
employers to hire more workers. This runs directly opposite to the idea 
behind the stimulus, that if the government stimulated demand by 
spending money and/or cutting taxes it would create more jobs. 
Interestingly, there is new research that indicates that the stimulus 
did raise employment. In fact, it seems that its effect was even larger 
than the Obama administration had predicted.

But the Republicans seem uninterested in these research findings. They 
instead claim that the best way to create private sector jobs is by 
having the government fire workers and spend less.

It is difficult to follow the logic of this view. If we think of a cross 
section of employers – hospitals, construction companies, car factories, 
retail stores and restaurants – which ones on this list do we think will 
hire more workers after a big round of federal budget cuts and layoffs?

Do we think that hospitals will suddenly rush out and hire more nurses 
and doctors because because of the National Institutes of Health is 
cutting funding for cancer research? Will Wal-Mart expand its sales 
staff because the government is laying off people from Head Start? These 
stories don’t seem very plausible.

Undoubtedly some of the government employees losing their jobs will be 
experienced and highly educated workers who private employers will be 
anxious to hire, but this will generally be for positions that would 
have existed in any case. These former government employees will simply 
be displacing other workers who would have held these jobs; there will 
not be new jobs in the private sector created for them.

Of course there will be times in which government spending does impose a 
constraint on the private sector in the sense of pulling away resources 
from the private sector. This is measured by the interest rate. High 
interest rates will discourage private sector investment and 
consumption. Reducing spending in the government sector can reduce 
demand in the economy, which would lead to lower interest rates. Lower 
interest rates would then spur private sector spending and job creation.

However, it is very hard to tell this story right now. Interest rates 
have risen from the trough of the downturn, but with the 10-year 
Treasury bond rate at 3.4 percent, they are still at very low levels. It 
is difficult to believe that cutbacks in government spending will do 
much to lower the interest rate from its current level, nor that 
plausible declines in the interest rate will have much impact on demand. 
At a time when the economy still has enormous over-capacity in most 
sectors, firms are unlikely to increase their investment by much even if 
the interest rate  were to decline somewhat. Heavily indebted consumers 
are also unlikely to boost their spending.

In short, if the Republicans really expect cutbacks in federal spending 
and employment to boost spending and employment in the private sector, 
they certainly have not explained how they think this will happen. If 
the Republicans really believe that lower public sector employment leads 
to higher private sector employment, it would be nice if they could 
produce some evidence to support this position.

We tried a simple test of the relationship between changes in government 
employment at the state and local level during the downturn and changes 
in private sector employment. The relationship seems to go the wrong way 
for the Republican’s story. Changes in public sector employment are 
highly correlated with changed in private sector employment as shown in 
the Table below.

--------------------------------------------------------------

Variable |  Model 1     Model 2      Model 3      Model 4

-------------+------------------------------------------------

Ch gov emp |    .54415      .62617      .71509      1.0645

|      1.65           2        2.31        3.18

|     .1073       .0522       .0257       .0026

ch_HPI    |    .16201      .15086      .15145     .085005

|      3.43        3.31        3.29        1.77

|     .0014       .0019        .002        .084

Def 09 |    1.5308      1.9491

|      1.07        1.37

|     .2899       .1778

shmanuf 08 |    -.4313     -.39588     -.39985

|     -3.34       -3.34       -3.34

|     .0018       .0017       .0017

shconstr_08 |   -.63671     -1.2439     -1.2417

|     -1.62       -3.69       -3.64

|     .1134     6.2e-04     6.9e-04

south |  -.013242

|     -1.27

|      .211

midwest | -.0008343

|    -.0778

|     .9384

west |  -.030792

|     -2.66

|     .0112

_cons |   .033758     .052847     .049224    -.055985

|      1.25        1.94         1.8       -14.1

|                         .2199       .0592       .0793     1.8e-18

R2       .637        .565       .547         .396

The table shows four different tests of the relationship between public 
sector employment and private sector employment during the downturn. The 
dependent variable is the percentage change in private sector employment 
by state from the fourth quarter of 2007 to the fourth quarter of 2010 
in each state. The first independent variable is the percentage change 
in government employment over the same period. If it were the case that 
public sector employment crowds out private sector employment, then we 
would want to see a negative coefficient for this variable. Instead we 
see a positive and mostly highly significant coefficient in these tests. 
This implies that more government employment is associated with more 
private sector employment.

Of course there are other factors that make it impossible to get a 
simple test of the relationship. It could be the case that when the 
economy is doing well we hire more government employees and when things 
are going badly we lay them off. The other variables are included to try 
to control for this effect.

The next variable on the list is the percentage change in the House 
Price Index from the second quarter of 2006 to the fourth quarter of 
2008. Since this index is based on closings rather than contracts, the 
data for the fourth quarter of 2008 would have primarily reflected 
contracts signed between July and October of that year. This means it 
would be little influence by the steep drop in employment that began in 
October of 2008, minimizing the effect of reverse causation from job 
loss to house prices.

This coefficient is positive and highly significant in three of the four 
specifications shown here suggesting, unsurprisingly, that the collapse 
of the housing bubble was a major determinant of job loss in each state. 
Other research has shown that household debt was a major determinant of 
job loss. This skips the causal role of the housing bubble. People took 
on more debt in some states than others because the run-up in house 
prices allowed them to borrow more against their house.

The deficit variable for 2009 was an effect to control for the extent to 
which states’ economies were doing well or poorly. It was insignificant 
in the two regressions in which it is included. It was also 
insignificant in a number of other specifications not shown. This is 
likely in part due to inconsistencies in budget accounting across states.

The next variables are the share of employment in manufacturing and 
construction for each state in the fourth quarter of 2008. The reason 
for including these variables is that these sectors were proportionately 
the hardest hit by the downturn. The coefficients are negative and 
mostly highly significant, as would be expected. In other words, the 
states that had the largest share of their workers in construction and 
manufacturing at the start of the downturn saw the largest declines in 
private sector employment.

The last set of variables is regional dummies that are testing for 
differential impacts of the downturn by region. There is little clear 
difference between regions, so these variables are dropped in the other 
three regressions.

This is admittedly an imperfect test of the relationship between public 
and private sector employment, but it certainly does not support the 
view that if we lay off public sector workers the private sector will 
increase employment. In fact, it suggests that if we fire a lot of 
public sector workers then we should expect to see the private sector 
also laying off workers, magnifying the impact.

There are other efforts that more systematically examine the 
relationship between government spending at the state level and 
employment (e.g. here and here. These studies also find that more 
spending is associated with more employment, supporting the view that if 
the government at the federal or state level cuts back spending and/or 
public employment, we will see reductions in private sector employment, 
not increased private sector employment.

It would be good if the Congressional leadership could find some 
evidence to support their claim that reducing government 
employment/spending would somehow increase private sector employment 
before they embark on a deficit cutting extravaganza. The evidence that 
we have thus far indicates that eliminating government jobs will 
directly put people out of work and that the private sector will amplify 
the effect by eliminating even more jobs. That might make sense to the 
Washington policy crew, but that is not likely to sit well with the 
workers across the country who find themselves on the unemployment lines.

-- 
Nicole Woo
Director of Domestic Policy
Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR)
202.293.5380 x108
woo @ cepr.net
www.cepr.net
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