there's also "I don't have to have a position on that issue." It's
akin to "wait and see."

On Tue, Mar 29, 2011 at 8:49 PM, Maxim Linchits <[email protected]> wrote:
> It has occurred to me that there are more than two sides in this debate on
> Libya. In addition to the  "for and against"  views, there may also be the
> "we have no fucking idea" view.
>
> Can we even talk about the probability that more or  fewer deaths will
> result now that the no fly zone is in place? No one knows what the "no
> fly-zone" will morph into with time in the hands of NATO. Perhaps a no fly
> zone will simply give rebels time to defeat Gaddafi or negotiate a
> settlement . Perhaps it will lead to a ground invasion by NATO.  Who here
> really knows?
>
> Of course admitting a lack a foresight is hard when predictions shore up
> one's political position , but in politics "I don’t know" is often the only
> scientifically valid answer.
>
> Now I wonder what this debate would look like, if all sides took for granted
> that that the situation in Libya proper is completely unpredictable, and
> went from there
>
> Max
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: [email protected]
> [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Jim Devine
> Sent: Tuesday, March 29, 2011 6:16 PM
> To: Pen-l
> Subject: [Pen-l] debate on Libya
>
> a friend forwarded this to me. It may be of use.
>
> SOCIALIST WORKER (UK) Issue: 2245 dated: 2 April 2011
> http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=24350
>
> Alex Callinicos / posted: 6.01pm Tue 29 Mar 2011
>
> Should the left back intervention in Libya?
>
> Western intervention in Libya has caused some divisions on the genuine left.
> This isn’t surprising. If we look at the Arab world, a combination of the
> widespread loathing of Muammar Gaddafi and support for the revolutions has
> limited opposition to the use of Western firepower against his forces.
>
> The most intelligent case for supporting the intervention has been made by
> my old friend Gilbert Achcar. A consistent opponent of Western imperialism,
> Gilbert argues that this is an occasion when anti-imperialists should be
> willing to make compromises. (1)
>
> Gilbert is right, revolutionaries have sometimes been prepared to take help
> from imperialist powers.
>
> Soon after the Russian Revolution of 1917, invading German armies were
> threatening the survival of the infant Soviet republic. Britain and France
> offered help. Lenin wrote to the Bolshevik central committee:
> “Please add my vote in favour of taking potatoes and weapons from the
> Anglo-French imperialist robbers.” (2)
>
> Gilbert is also right to dismiss claims by some on the left that Gaddafi is
> in some way a “progressive” and that the leadership of the revolution in
> Benghazi support Al Qaida. He asks, “Can anyone claiming to belong to the
> left just ignore a popular movement’s plea for protection, even by means of
> imperialist bandit-cops, when the type of protection requested is not one
> through which control over their country could be exerted?”
>
> This is where I begin to get queasy, particularly when Gilbert also contends
> that the US, France and Britain intervened under pressure of public opinion
> to prevent a massacre in Benghazi.
>
> Compare the comments of the right wing French “philosopher” Bernard
> Henri-Lévy.
>
> He boasted in last Sunday’s Observer about his role in persuading French
> president Sarkozy to push for Western intervention: “What is important in
> this affair is that the devoir d’ingérance [the right to violate the
> sovereignty of a country if human rights are being excessively violated] has
> been recognised.” (3)
>
> Championed
>
> For “BHL”, as he’s known in France, what counts is the politics of the
> intervention. He sees it as an opportunity after the Iraq disaster to
> rebuild support for the idea, championed by Tony Blair, that Western powers
> have the right to attack states they deem to have broken their rules. [BTW,
> are other countries allowed to attack Western powers deemed to have broken
> the rules, e.g., for the unprovoked and unilateral war against Iraq in
> 2003?]
>
> But this isn’t the most important reason for the intervention, at least as
> far as the US is concerned.
>
> Gilbert demolishes the argument that Gaddafi wouldn’t have continued to
> allow Western companies access to Libya’s oil. I agree—oil isn’t the main
> issue. The US is rushing to get in front of the Arab revolutionary wave that
> threatens to sweep away its system of domination.
>
> A White House adviser told the Financial Times, “The place where we have the
> least interest in the Middle East is Libya…” Nodding to the island kingdom
> that is home to the US Fifth Fleet and risks becoming caught up in a tug of
> war between oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Iran, he adds, “The place where we
> have the greatest interest is Bahrain.” (4)
>
> The clampdown in Bahrain, orchestrated by Saudi troops, represents an effort
> by the rulers of Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf autocracies to turn back
> the revolutionary tide. Barack Obama and his administration have strongly
> criticised the repression there and in Yemen.
>
> They hope to use the revolutions to restructure Arab societies along more
> stable neoliberal lines. Taking on Gaddafi is a way for the US to associate
> itself with the revolutions—and to shape their politics.
>
> BHL describes addressing a meeting of revolutionaries in Benghazi and
> persuading them to appeal for Western support. No doubt he’s bragging, but
> the anecdote illustrates the immense efforts under way to incorporate the
> revolutions.
>
> There is the final argument, used by both Gilbert and BHL, that intervention
> prevented a massacre in Benghazi. The sad fact is that massacres are a
> chronic feature of capitalism. The revolutionary left is, alas, too weak to
> stop them.
>
> Until we become stronger, we can at least offer political clarity about
> what’s at stake.
>
> 1 Gilbert Achcar, “A Legitimate and Necessary Debate from an
> Anti-Imperialist Perspective”, ZNet, 25 March 2011,
> www.zcommunications.org/libya-a-legitimate-and-necessary-debate-from-an-anti
> -imperialist-perspective-by-gilbert-achcar
>
> 2 The Bolsheviks and the October Revolution: Central Committee Minutes of
> the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) August 1917-February
> 1918 (London, 1974), p. 215
>
> 3 K Willsher, “Libya: Bernard-Henri Lévy Dismisses Criticism for Leading
> France to Conflict”, Observer, 27 March 2011,
> www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/mar/27/libya-bernard-henri-levy-france
>
> 4 Richard McGregor and Daniel Dombey, “Foreign Policy: A Reticent America”,
> Financial Times, 23 March 2011,
> www.ft.com/cms/s/0/3ddd2d0c-557e-11e0-a2b1-00144feab49a.html#axzz1Hzhs8sHI
>
> © Socialist Worker (unless otherwise stated). You may republish if you
> include an active link to the original.
> --
> Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own way
> and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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-- 
Jim Devine / "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your own
way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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