The evolution of generosity
Welcome, stranger
The human impulse to be kind to unknown individuals is not the biological 
aberration it might seem
The Economist
Jul 30th 2011

THE extraordinary success of Homo sapiens is a result of four things: 
intelligence, language, an ability to manipulate objects dexterously in order 
to make tools, and co-operation. Over the decades the anthropological spotlight 
has shifted from one to another of these as the prime mover of the package, and 
thus the fundament of the human condition. At the moment co-operation is the 
most fashionable subject of investigation. In particular, why are humans so 
willing to collaborate with unrelated strangers, even to the point of risking 
being cheated by people whose characters they cannot possibly know?

Evidence from economic games played in the laboratory for real money suggests 
humans are both trusting of those they have no reason to expect they will ever 
see again, and surprisingly unwilling to cheat them—and that these phenomena 
are deeply ingrained in the species’s psychology. 

Existing theories of the evolution of trust depend either on the participants 
being relatives (and thus sharing genes) or on their relationship being 
long-term, with each keeping count to make sure the overall benefits of 
collaboration exceed the costs. Neither applies in the case of passing 
strangers, and that has led to speculation that something extraordinary, such 
as a need for extreme collaboration prompted by the emergence of warfare that 
uses weapons, has happened in recent human evolution to promote the emergence 
of an instinct for unconditional generosity.

Leda Cosmides and John Tooby, two doyens of the field, who work at the 
University of California, Santa Barbara, do not agree. They see no need for 
extraordinary mechanisms and the latest study to come from their group (the 
actual work was done by Andrew Delton and Max Krasnow, who have just published 
the results in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences) suggests 
they are right. It also shows the value of applying common sense to 
psychological analyses—but then of backing that common sense with some solid 
mathematical modelling.

Studying human evolution directly is obviously impossible. The generation times 
are far too long. But it is possible to isolate features of interest and 
examine how they evolve in computer simulations. To this end Dr Delton and Dr 
Krasnow designed software agents that were able to meet up and interact in a 
computer’s processor.

The agents’ interactions mimicked those of economic games in the real world, 
though the currency was arbitrary “fitness units” rather than dollars. This 
meant that agents which successfully collaborated built up fitness over the 
period of their collaboration. Those that cheated on the first encounter got a 
one-off allocation of fitness, but would never be trusted in the future. Each 
agent had an inbuilt and heritable level of trustworthiness (ie, the likelihood 
that it would cheat at the first opportunity) and, in each encounter it had, it 
was assigned a level of likelihood (detectable by the other agent) that it 
would be back for further interactions.

After a certain amount of time the agents reproduced in proportion to their 
accumulated fitness; the old generation died, and the young took over. The 
process was then repeated for 10,000 generations (equivalent to about 200,000 
years of human history, or the entire period for which Homo sapiens has 
existed), to see what level of collaboration would emerge.

The upshot was that, as the researchers predicted, generosity pays—or, rather, 
the cost of early selfishness is greater than the cost of trust. This is 
because the likelihood that an encounter will be one-off, and thus worth 
cheating on, is just that: a likelihood, rather than a certainty. This fact was 
reflected in the way the likelihood values were created in the model. They were 
drawn from a probability distribution, so the actual future encounter rate was 
only indicated, not precisely determined by them.

For most plausible sets of costs, benefits and chances of future encounters the 
simulation found that it pays to be trusting, even though you will sometimes be 
cheated. Which, if you think about it, makes perfect sense. Previous attempts 
to study the evolution of trust using games have been arranged to make it clear 
to the participants whether their encounter was a one-off, and drawn their 
conclusions accordingly. That, though, is hardly realistic. In the real world, 
although you might guess, based on the circumstances, whether or not you will 
meet someone again, you cannot know for sure. Moreover, in the ancient world of 
hunter-gatherers, limited movement meant a second encounter would be much more 
likely than it is in the populous, modern urban world.

No need, then, for special mechanisms to explain generosity. An open hand to 
the stranger makes evolutionary as well as moral sense. Except, of course, that 
those two senses are probably, biologically speaking, the same thing. But that 
would be the subject of a different article.
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