The New York Times / January 26, 2012 / Opinion

In Honduras, a Mess Made in the U.S.
By DANA FRANK

SANTA CRUZ, Calif.

IT’S time to acknowledge the foreign policy disaster that American
support for the Porfirio Lobo administration in Honduras has become.
Ever since the June 28, 2009, coup that deposed Honduras’s
democratically elected president, José Manuel Zelaya, the country has
been descending deeper into a human rights and security abyss. That
abyss is in good part the State Department’s making.

The headlines have been full of horror stories about Honduras.
According to the United Nations, it now has the world’s highest murder
rate, and San Pedro Sula, its second city, is more dangerous than
Ciudad Juárez, Mexico, a center for drug cartel violence.

Much of the press in the United States has attributed this violence
solely to drug trafficking and gangs. But the coup was what threw open
the doors to a huge increase in drug trafficking and violence, and it
unleashed a continuing wave of state-sponsored repression.

The current government of President Lobo won power in a November 2009
election managed by the same figures who had initiated the coup. Most
opposition candidates withdrew in protest, and all major international
observers boycotted the election, except for the National Democratic
Institute and the International Republican Institute, which are
financed by the United States.

President Obama quickly recognized Mr. Lobo’s victory, even when most
of Latin America would not. Mr. Lobo’s government is, in fact, a child
of the coup. It retains most of the military figures who perpetrated
the coup, and no one has gone to jail for starting it.

This chain of events — a coup that the United States didn’t stop, a
fraudulent election that it accepted — has now allowed corruption to
mushroom. The judicial system hardly functions. Impunity reigns. At
least 34 members of the opposition have disappeared or been killed,
and more than 300 people have been killed by state security forces
since the coup, according to the leading human rights organization
Cofadeh. At least 13 journalists have been killed since Mr. Lobo took
office, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

The police in Tegucigalpa, the capital, are believed to have killed
the son of Julieta Castellanos, the rector of the country’s biggest
university, along with a friend of his, on Oct. 22, 2011. Top police
officials quickly admitted their suspects were police officers, but
failed to immediately detain them. When prominent figures came forward
to charge that the police are riddled with death squads and drug
traffickers, the most famous accuser was a former police commissioner,
Alfredo Landaverde. He was assassinated on Dec. 7. Only now has the
government begun to make significant arrests of police officers.

State-sponsored repression continues. According to Cofadeh, at least
43 campesino activists participating in land struggles in the Aguán
Valley have been killed in the past two and a half years at the hands
of the police, the military and the private security army of Miguel
Facussé. Mr. Facussé is mentioned in United States Embassy cables made
public by WikiLeaks as the richest man in the country, a big supporter
of the post-coup regime and owner of land used to transfer cocaine.

And yet, in early October, Mr. Obama praised Mr. Lobo at the White
House for leadership in a “restoration of democratic practices.” Since
the coup the United States has maintained and in some areas increased
military and police financing for Honduras and has been enlarging its
military bases there, according to an analysis by the Fellowship of
Reconciliation.

Congress, though, has finally begun to push back. Last May, 87 members
signed a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton calling
for a suspension of military and police aid to Honduras.
Representative Howard L. Berman of California, the ranking Democrat on
the House Foreign Affairs Committee, wrote to her on Nov. 28, asking
whether the United States was arming a dangerous regime. And in
December, Senator Patrick J. Leahy, Democrat of Vermont, and others
obtained conditions on a small portion of the 2012 police and military
aid appropriated for Honduras.

Why has the State Department thrown itself behind the Lobo
administration despite brutal evidence of the regime’s corruption? In
part because it has caved in to the Cuban-American constituency of
Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the Republican chairwoman of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, and her allies. They have been
ferocious about Honduras as a first domino with which to push back
against the line of center-left and leftist governments that have won
elections in Latin America in the past 15 years. With its American air
base, Honduras is also crucial to the United States’ military strategy
in Latin America.

As Honduras plunges into a tragic abyss, it’s time to finally cut off
all police and military aid. “Stop feeding the beast” is the way Ms.
Castellanos, the academician whose son was killed, puts it. She, like
other human rights advocates, insists that the Lobo government cannot
reform itself.

The State Department is beginning to help address the situation behind
the scenes. But Honduran human-rights activists, along with many of us
in the United States who care about Honduras, do not believe that this
administration can, or should, manage a cleanup of the very cesspool
it helped to create by supporting a government that owes its power to
a coup.

Instead, we need to respect proposals for alternative approaches that
Honduran human-rights advocates and the opposition are beginning to
formulate. These come from people who are still fighting against the
coup and who continue to risk paying the price of being shot dead by
state security forces.

They, not the State Department, have the right to lead their country forward.

Dana Frank, a professor of history at the University of California,
Santa Cruz, is at work on a book about the A.F.L.-C.I.O.’s cold-war
intervention in the Honduran labor movement.
-- 
Jim Devine / It's time to Occupy the New Year!
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