"He  [Obama] needs to hear from all of us that Larry Summers would be a
terrible pick." 

This seems to me be a classic instance of what I call Crackpot Realism.
Let's consider the several larger (political) contexts within which this
proposed action is to be taken (the content itself, for reasons to be given,
is utterly irrelevant). The larger contexts are relevant here because of the
most immediate context: Wisconsin/OWS. 

1. The drive for austerity. (Marv a few weeks ago submitted a post on
Caterpillar closing down a London, Ontario plant). The 40-year drive to
discipline through austerity the world's working classes continues unabated
to gain moementum. 

2. Endless War. 

3. Wisconsin/OWS. 

[On "Discipline." Chapter 14 of Wages, Price and Profit lays this out very
clearly: 

"These few hints will suffice to show that the very development of modern
industry must progressively turn the scale in favour of the capitalist
against the working man, and that consequently the general tendency of
capitalistic production is not to raise, but to sink the average standard of
wages, or to push the value of labour more or less to its minimum limit.
Such being the tendency of things in this system, is this saying that the
working class ought to renounce their resistance against the encroachments
of capital, and abandon their attempts at making the best of the occasional
chances for their temporary improvement? If they did, they would be degraded
to one level mass of broken wretches past salvation. I think I have shown
that their struggles for the standard of wages are incidents inseparable
from the whole wages system, that in 99 cases out of 100 their efforts at
raising wages are only efforts at maintaining the given value of labour, and
that the necessity of debating their price with the capitalist is inherent
to their condition of having to sell themselves as commodities. By cowardly
giving way in their everyday conflict with capital, they would certainly
disqualify themselves for the initiating of any larger movement." 

(A merely personal opinion: For understanding and acting in the current
conjunction this is the most important passage in the Collected Works of
Karl Marx. And I do not think it necessary to be a "Marxcist" to gras the
profound relevance to the presence of these words.) 

Capitalists (or, more precisely the political elites of capitalist nations)
understand this - that the working class, or significant sections of the
working classs - become most dangerous when their free time enlarges (and
the banality, "Time is Money" applies here). When that potential of the
class asserts itself, the surge can be best suppressed through an
intensification of exploitation, directed towards reducing the class to the
mass of broken wretches Marx envisages. And this has to be seen in
_relative_ terms: most higher paid workers will (correctly) feel as
"immiseration" developments that, for example, makd it difficulty for them
to carry their load of debt, or make sending their children to college
unexpectedly difficult. Over the last 40 years perhaps the most powerfully
repressive force has been the distinction between "Exmpt" and "non-Exmpt"
workers, leading to a stady increase in the work week of millions of
"Exempt" workers. 

Now the huge (and nearly world-wide) upsurge in working-class power which
constituted "The '60s" both put downward pressure on profits but scared the
ideologiss of capitalism shitless. (Many leftists, including manyMarxist
economists, could not and do not see this because of crudely false
conceptions of "what the working class is." If you don't see "The '60s" as a
working-class movement, of great danger to capitalism, then you  don't
understand "The 60s." The Class War is over the Free Time of workers: the
demands for higher wages or for increased social benefits are demands for
increasing Free Time, and such time had expanded for two important sectors
of the Working Class during the '50s: Blacks & Students. This small taste of
freedom (for freedom itself is best defined as Free Time) emboldened the
demand for MORE freedom. 

Neoliberalism at least temporarily 'solved' both capitalist 'problems':
Dwonward pressure on profits, expanded sense of possibility within the
working class. 

Now, we can understand _neither_ U.S. domestic policy _nor_ U.S. foreign
policy unless (a) we see their interconnections and (b) understand the
special U.S. 'place' withn what Ellen Meiksins Wood has aptly labeled, the
Empire of Capital. Capitaism has become 'global,' but it is a system that
can only operate within a State, and thus must operate 'globally' within
over a hundred different States. Hence the stability of the world capitalist
system depends on the stability of all the different states within which it
operates. And that requires the establishment of _discipline_ over all those
states. And by implicit consensus among the 'core' capitalist powers, the
U.S. is the "Power of Last Resort" in maintaining that discipline. (In the
recent case of Libya NSATO handled the the 'problem,' U.s. intervention
would have becme necessary.) This 'responsibility' of the U.S. to maintain
global discipline means Endless War, a war conducted under different labels
and with different means, but nevertheless unavoidable, and that war depends
on continued domestic support. That is, the disciplining of the global
system of states is inseparable from the disciplining of the U.S. working
class (as well as the working classes of the other core capitalist nations).
To put it bluntly but I think accurately: The 'stability' of world
capitalism is dependent upon a stagnant or falling wage share. And that can
be a 'problem' also. It is currently being resolved through the Austerity
Programs initiated in both the EU and the U.S., which can be seen as an
intensification of the discipline imposed through the general tendencies of
Neoliberalism. And of course, we have to see the greatl expansion of
repressive machinery carried out under the Clinton/Bush/Obama Administration
(beginning with the Antii-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act &
extending up to recent legislation empowering the Military to take part in
the police functions of the state. 

AND NOW COME 

Nita and Shaunna proclaiming the (coweardly) Dawn of Reistance to this
Capitalist Offensive of the last 40 to 50 years: We shall beg the president
not to appoint an obnoxious individual to the World Bank (the viciousness of
which under _any_ leadership having long since established beyond doubt). To
blunt, even to slow down, this Capitalist Offensive will require mass
movements (particularly in the EU & the U.S.) which dwarf all preceding
periods of resistance-which go well beyond the conbined stuggles of the
1930s and the 1960s. 

This is Treason of the Intellectuals Indeed. And leftists who honor such
Treason by debating its details should be deeply ashamed  of themselves. 

And this returns us to the Third of our contexts within which to see the
utter shamelessness of such triviality- Wisconsin/OWS. We do not anc cannot
know the future, but Wisconsin/OWS has raised the promise of an end to 45
years of the coward retreat of which Marx spoke. We have a faint promise
that the East Again is Red. It is easy not to notice how rarely, once or
twice a century perhaps, that capitalism as a system seems even slightly
vulnerable. If Wisconsin/OWS (combined with the economic crisis and the
growing opposition around the Mediterranean rim, do shadow forth such a
possibility, we should not fritter away the opening by absurd appeals to the
Enemy (Obama) to be nice to us. 


Carrol 


********************** 

Basic Texts Assumed in this Post 

Ellen Meiksins Wood, _Retreat from Class
__________, Peasant-Citizen & Slave: The Foundtions of Athenian Democracy
__________, Democracy  Against Capitalism. 
__________, Origin of Capitalism: A Longer View __________, Empire of
Capital 

Moishe Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of
Marx's Critical Theory 
Gáspár Miklós Tamás: Telling the truth about class 
Edward P. Morgan, What Really Happened To the 1960s. 

Following Symposia in HM 

On Lars Lih 
On David Harvey 
On Ellen Meiksins Wood

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