HERE in Iran I have been finding it hard to make sense of all the strident 
utterances about the Islamic Republic emanating from America’s capital this 
week. Being Supreme Leader, I need to understand what my enemy is thinking. 
Being an ayatollah, I can modestly say that I am something of an expert in 
textual exegesis. Nonetheless, I confess that I’m puzzled.

The first thing we need to know is whether America or Israel intends to attack 
our nuclear facilities, and if so when. So I decided to read first what Barack 
Obama told Israel’s visiting prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and the 13,000 
delegates to the annual policy conference of the mighty American Israel Public 
Affairs Committee (AIPAC), as the Zionist lobby is known.

>From the beginning of his presidency, Mr Obama has pronounced himself 
>determined to prevent our revolution from acquiring nuclear weapons. This week 
>he seemed to sharpen things up. He told AIPAC that prevention meant 
>prevention. Contrary to some reports, he did not intend merely to “contain” a 
>nuclear-armed Iran but to make sure that we never got a bomb in the first 
>place. Moreover, stopping it was in America’s national interest, not just in 
>Israel’s, and to this end all options, including military ones, were on the 
>table.

So far, so clear: Mr Obama may attack if we proceed towards nuclear weapons. He 
seems utterly unimpressed by my assurances that we do not want one. On the 
other hand, he is not thirsting for a fight. His main point this week seemed to 
be that the sanctions he imagines to be “crippling” should be given time to 
work and that this was therefore not the moment for “bluster”. Too much “loose 
talk” of war had already helped Iran, by driving up the price of oil. He said 
it would be better right now to heed Teddy Roosevelt’s advice to speak softly 
and carry a big stick.

>From here in Tehran it looked as if the intended recipient of Mr Obama’s 
>strictures was the leader of the Zionist entity, which the American hegemon 
>does so much to prop up. It was therefore a little startling to see Mr 
>Netanyahu, speaking to AIPAC a day later and only hours after visiting the 
>White House, pay almost no heed to what his American patron said.

Far from speaking softly, this Zionist upstart presumed to mimic the roar of 
Winston Churchill, the unlamented British imperialist. Israel, he said, could 
not give diplomacy and sanctions much longer to work. As prime minister, he 
would never let the Jewish people live “in the shadow of annihilation”. Those 
who argued against stopping Iran from getting a bomb were like those who in 
1944 refused the Jewish plea to bomb the alleged death factory in Auschwitz. 
“We deeply appreciate the great alliance between our two countries,” he said, 
“but when it comes to Israel’s survival, we must always remain the masters of 
our fate.”

Though ayatollahs are well versed in subtle distinctions, I am not quite sure 
how to interpret this apparent rift between the Greater and Lesser Satans. Mr 
Netanyahu sounds seriously reckless. It is even possible—and this is a 
worry—that he is not altogether rational. Will little Israel, with its 8m 
people, really dare to go to war alone against our 80m? Perhaps this is just a 
bluff, to goad Mr Obama into further sanctions, or make him take the military 
action he plainly wants to avoid. On the other hand, what if Israel does launch 
an impetuous attack, in defiance of Mr Obama’s plea for time? Would the 
American president still feel obliged to defend Israel from the consequences of 
its own folly?

Maybe not. I am looking now at a transcript of a press conference in the White 
House on March 6th, the day after Mr Netanyahu’s speech to AIPAC. Mr Obama says 
here that Israel is a sovereign nation that has to make its own decisions about 
its national security. But then he adds this:

One of the functions of friends is to make sure that we provide honest and 
unvarnished advice in terms of what is the best approach to achieve a common 
goal—particularly one in which we have a stake. This is not just an issue of 
Israeli interest; this is an issue of US interests. It’s also not just an issue 
of consequences for Israel if action is taken prematurely. There are 
consequences to the United States as well.

That can surely mean only one thing. Mr Obama will be incandescent if Israel 
provokes a war which he has said is not yet necessary, and on the eve of an 
election. And now that I have agreed to let my nuclear experts start talks 
again with the Europeans, Americans, Russians and Chinese, the Zionists will 
find an attack even harder to justify. True, the sanctions are hurting, but 
while these talks continue (we know how to spin them out), and for as long as 
Mr Obama continues to call the war talk “bluster”, it is tempting to conclude 
that our programme is safe from bombing.

The Republican angle

That said, I did not become Supreme Leader by being naive about America. It is 
a flighty country, whose policies chop and change as presidents come and go. As 
Supreme Leader, I’ve already seen out two Bushes and one Clinton. Next year a 
Republican may be president, and they too have been rude about Iran this week. 
One, Newt Gingrich, thinks that he can magically cut the price of gasoline to 
$2.50 a gallon. The man is an eejit, as we say in Farsi.

Mitt Romney seems a bit more serious. My aides have translated his article this 
week in the Washington Post and the message he sent to AIPAC. On the face of 
it, he sounds like a warmonger. He says that Mr Obama has “dawdled” on 
sanctions, and that if he were president he would send more warships and 
carriers to our coast. But I’m not convinced. Our intelligence people point out 
that this Romney is just a businessman from an unloved minority sect. Our own 
bazaaris tend not to like war. He is probably just pandering to the Zionists, 
as they all do. Still, it is hard to be sure. 

I would feel a lot safer if we already had that bomb.

"The view from Tehran
What might Ayatollah Ali Khamenei be making of America’s noisy Iran talk this 
week?"
The Economist
Mar 10th 2012 

http://www.economist.com/node/21549935/print
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