No society is or even in principle could be purely capitalist, and in fact
even in the U.S. an enormous amount of human activity is 'outside'
capitalism. Several current tendencies are efforts to bring capitalist
relations to areas of human activity that have always been non-capitalist:
the schools, the state, the military (KP is a commodity now). Petty
producers (whether impoverished or wealthy) are not capitalist. In the past
if a person wanted to hire someone to clean his/her house, there were
independent cleaning women: they were not part of capitalism. But now such
firms as Merry Maids have turned house-cleaning into a commodity. Beginning
in 2015 certification of teachers by ISU will become a commodity. Much
testing in colleges has been commodified.

Lou & Graeber will not acknowledge this, but that is because they have
ceased to believe in the existence of capitalism, using the term to describe
any sort of exploitation. They are unable to understand the first sentence
of Vol. I of Capital, or commodity fetishism or alienation.

Carrol

P.S. I still have immense respect for David Graeber, both for his role in
organizing the first Occupation and for much in this book, which brings out
the current _political_ importance of debt. As a metaphor "peonage" does
help illuminate the politics of student debt. Failure to understand Marx or
capitalism is trivial in comparison to this. If he thinks that schools are
part of state power, that is sad, & can be disruptive. But no one's perfect.


-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Jim Devine
Sent: Saturday, April 28, 2012 12:47 PM
To: Progressive Economics
Subject: Re: [Pen-l] David Graeber on capitalism and unfree labor

Louis Proyect wrote:
> For all of its devotion to British exceptionalism, the Brenner thesis
> would seem ill equipped to explain why British rule failed to abolish
> extra-economic forms of coercion in its most important colonial holding:
> South Africa.

In general, it's wrong to expect any "hypothesis" to explain
everything. You can't use Darwin's theory of natural selection to
explain the laws of physics. In fact, any theory or hypothesis that
purports to explain everything is _prima facie_ wrong.

In any event, there's nothing in Brenner's thesis that says that
capitalist-British rule should "abolish extra-economic forms of
coercion" all around the world, not to mention in South Africa.

The process of primitive accumulation in England (for example,
described by Marx in his CAPITAL) is not about capitalists
_consciously_ fighting to abolish extra-economic coercion. Instead,
it's a matter of a series of real-world events such as King Henry
VII's expropriation of Church lands and the lords' grabbing of
peasants' [*] collective property (the commons) and turning it into
their own personal property (one aspect of the Enclosure Movement).
These events were not intentionally aimed at abolishing extra-economic
coercion and creating a "free class of proletarians." Instead, these
events had the _unintended effect_ of "freeing" British peasants  from
various non-economic bonds left over from the feudal period and (more
importantly) from having direct control over the means of subsistence
and the means of production needed to create them (while destroying
peasants' collective organization). The latter "freedom" meant that
the peasants became totally dependent (in their efforts to survive) on
the newly capitalistic landlords and later the urban capitalists.
Given this total dependence, extra-economic coercion wasn't
_necessary_ to the existence of exploitation of labor by capital.

Move from Marx's social perspective to an individual capitalist
perspective:  if extra-economic coercion is _profitable_ , it is
engaged in (if the state allows). If organized capital (the British
Parliament, etc.) found that it helped the their class as a whole (and
more powerful interest groups within that class), they would allow,
support, and even encourage individual capitalist decisions to engage
in non-economic coercion. Coming to South Africa, for example, the
British (and before them, the Dutch) took over preexisting systems of
bondage and transformed them to serve capitalist goals (instead of
transforming them into capitalist organizations). They also used new
methods such as the head tax to force conquered peoples into the
capitalist labor-power market.

Again, it was individually profitable and seen as collectively
beneficial to the capitalists, so systems of non-economic coercion
were grafted onto the capitalist world market that centered on the
full-scale or pure capitalism in Northern Europe (which had "doubly
free labor"). BTW, competition from the "unfree" labor in South Africa
and elsewhere in the global periphery could easily undermine the
bargaining power of the "free" labor in Britain and the rest of the
center, though this phenomenon has become important only relatively
recently.

Marx's last chapter of volume I of CAPITAL is about non-economic
coercion in the colonies. Non-economic coercion seems to fit well with
colonization by capitalist countries. Capitalists -- as individuals
and as a group -- were quite willing to sacrifice their
officially-state "liberal" principles if it was profitable to do so.

Some Marxists argue that over the centuries, the mix of pure
capitalism and non-economic coercion doesn't work, so that pure
capitalism's system of doubly-free labor takes over. (The COMMUNIST
MANIFESTO suggests as much.)  But that's a completely different issue.

FWIW, Brenner didn't (and as far as I can tell, doesn't) advocate
"British exceptionalism" if that phrase means that Britain is somehow
better than the rest of the world (or that Brits are better than other
people).  The "Brenner thesis" (shared by Marx, in his CAPITAL) is
that Britain represents the geographic origin of the disease called
capitalism (defined, in its pure form, as a exploitative system in
which workers are "doubly free"). That doesn't say that Britain was
"better" than the rest of the world.

BTW, as a professional historian, if given empirical evidence, unless
he is a total dogmatist (which I don't think he is), Brenner would
agree that pure capitalism (as defined above) was _also_ created in
some other places in the world. (Marx would probably agree too.)  Even
though Brenner is much more theoretical in orientation than other
historians, for that group, empirical evidence rules. Besides, his
thesis is about contrasting France and England; it's not about England
versus the rest of the world.

Or maybe I'm defining the "Brenner Thesis" inaccurately. What is your
definition, Louis?
-- 
Jim Devine / "An atheist is a man who has no invisible means of
support." -- John Buchan

[*] I'm using this term loosely to refer to rural direct producers.
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