Rachman assumes as a premise that the fiscal pact can't be
renegotiated. But even US Treasury says the fiscal pact can be
renegotiated; even US Treasury says that it is stupid to have legally
binding arrangements that prevent governments which can borrow at low
interest rates from doing so to spend during a recession.

Rachman claims it would be unthinkable for Hollande to "isolate"
Merkel, but according to NPR this morning - you know, that radical
left-wing rag - Merkel is already isolated.


On Tue, May 8, 2012 at 9:41 AM, Marv Gandall <[email protected]> wrote:
> The Greek crisis will fast expose Hollande
> By Gideon Rachman
> Financial Times
> May 7 2012
>
> In rural France on Sunday night, the newly-elected French president took to 
> the stage and announced that he would lead the battle in Europe against 
> austerity. On the other side of the continent, Greek voters were calling his 
> bluff. By overwhelmingly opting for parties that want to either repudiate or 
> renegotiate Greece’s bailout deal, they have handed François Hollande a 
> painful dilemma. Will he stand with the Greek people against austerity? Or 
> will he stand with the German government and the International Monetary Fund, 
> in insisting that the Greek bailout cannot be renegotiated?
>
> The choice Mr Hollande makes will be fateful, for France and Europe. 
> Potentially, France’s new president could position himself as the head of 
> Europe’s southern rebels. There is no doubt that the Spanish and Italian 
> governments – even if nominally from different political families – have been 
> cheering on the French socialist. They, like the Greeks, desperately want to 
> see a challenge to German austerity orthodoxy.
>
> Yet any French effort to isolate Germany within the EU would be a historic 
> shift in postwar French foreign policy – which has been built around the idea 
> that the “Franco-German couple” should run the EU together. Allying France 
> with the European south would also damage France’s self-image, as one of the 
> stronger economies in Europe. The perception of France in financial markets 
> could also worsen. Most damaging of all, an open split between France and 
> Germany would cause Europe-wide problems, opening up a seismic fault in the 
> foundations of the EU and its single currency.
>
> As a result, most analysts assume Mr Hollande will settle for a few 
> face-saving gestures from Berlin, allowing him to say that he has changed the 
> direction of the EU debate in favour of“growth”. Even before he was elected, 
> experts in Berlin and Paris were sketching out the likely contours of an 
> agreement.
>
> A putative Hollande-Merkel deal would go something like this. Mr Hollande, as 
> he has already hinted, would modify his demand to renegotiate the new EU 
> fiscal pact – the deal that makes a move towards balanced budgets legally 
> binding. Instead Germany would agree to a vaguely-worded new growth pact, 
> which could sit alongside the fiscal pact. In similar vein, it would reject 
> Mr Hollande’s demand for Eurobonds – the issuance of common EU debt. But it 
> would probably agree to EU-backed “project bonds”, financing infrastructure 
> projects. A boost to lending by the European Investment Bank would also be 
> agreed. This would be a typical EU, Franco-German fudge that would allow all 
> participants to retreat with honour – leaving the outside world largely 
> unaffected and slightly baffled.
>
> The new eruption of the Greek political volcano, however, greatly complicates 
> this picture. The Greek problem is now so acute that it cannot be “fixed” 
> through a few cleverly-drafted clauses, added to an EU treaty. It demands 
> real, crunchy and dangerous decisions. Specifically, will Greece press ahead 
> and make further billions of euros worth of budget cuts, within months, as 
> demanded by its most recent bailout deal? If Greece refuses to do this, then 
> the IMF has made clear that it will not authorise the release of the next 
> tranche in aid to Greece. That, in turn, would mean that the Greek government 
> simply ran out of money. Managed, if painful, cuts to pensions and wages 
> would then be replaced by something much more chaotic and dangerous. The 
> forced exit of Greece from the euro would also become much more likely.
>
> The raw numbers from the Greek elections suggest that this stark choice might 
> soon have to be confronted. The two mainstream, pro-bailout parties, New 
> Democracy and Pasok, only garnered about one-third of votes. They will 
> struggle to form a coalition government – and Greece may soon face more 
> elections.
>
> Moreover, even Antonis Samaras, the leader of New Democracy and still the 
> likeliest next prime minister, would argue for changes to the Greek deal. Mr 
> Samaras knows the fact that both centrist parties are now associated with a 
> deeply unpopular austerity package, imposed by foreigners, is dangerous – it 
> makes the nationalist and far-left extremists the only political gainers.
>
> Specifically, Mr Samaras thinks that Greek businesses desperately need lower 
> taxes. But he has received no encouragement in this argument from Angela 
> Merkel – with whom he has a dreadful relationship. If he makes it as prime 
> minister, Mr Samaras would position himself as a reasonable rebel, arguing 
> against counterproductive German austerity policies. That makes him sound 
> like a natural ally of Mr Hollande.
>
> In reality, faced with a choice between supporting Greece and supporting 
> Germany, the French are almost certain to go with the Germans. Yet such a 
> choice would expose Mr Hollande’s anti-austerity rhetoric as vacuous. A few 
> gestures towards “project bonds” will be as nothing, compared with the vision 
> of France standing with the IMF and Germany to impose deep cuts on Greece, 
> while the country’s economy shrinks and unemployment soars.
>
> The combination of political chaos in Greece and an inflexible IMF suggests 
> that Greece will hit a new crisis this summer. At this point, the EU will 
> face a momentous choice. Does it step in with yet more aid for Greece, even 
> as the IMF backs off? Or does it refuse to help Greece – accepting all the 
> political and economic risks that come with such a choice? Faced with such a 
> crisis, Mr Hollande’s vague and uplifting rhetoric about saving Europe from 
> austerity is irrelevant.
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-- 
Robert Naiman
Policy Director
Just Foreign Policy
www.justforeignpolicy.org
[email protected]
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