China’s currency rises in the US backyard
By Arvind Subramanian and Martin Kessler
Financial Times
October 21 2102

The Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney last week repeated his 
promise to declare China a currency manipulator on his first day in office. 
Even discounting the “get tough on China” bluster of the campaign season, this 
remark encapsulates American distance from, and denial about, changing economic 
realities. Would-be US leaders would do well to note that for probably the 
first time since the second world war the dollar bloc in east Asia has been 
displaced. In its wake a currency bloc based on China’s renminbi is emerging.

In new research, we find that since the global financial crisis, as the US and 
Europe have struggled economically, the renminbi has increasingly become a 
reference currency (meaning emerging market exchange rates move closely with 
it). In fact, since June 2010 when the renminbi resumed floating, the number of 
currencies tracking it has increased compared with the earlier period of 
flexibility between July 2005 and 2008. Over the same period, the number 
tracking the euro and the dollar declined.

East Asia is now a renminbi bloc because the currencies of seven out of 10 
countries in the region – including South Korea, Indonesia, Taiwan, Malaysia, 
Singapore and Thailand – track the renminbi more closely than the US dollar. 
For example, since the middle of 2010, the Korean won and the renminbi have 
appreciated by similar amounts against the dollar. Only three economies in the 
group – Hong Kong, Vietnam and Mongolia – still have currencies following the 
dollar more closely than the renminbi.

This shift stems from China’s rise as a trader; its share of east Asian 
countries’ manufacturing trade has risen from 2 per cent in 1991 to about 22 
per cent today. Countries that sell to the growing Chinese market or are locked 
in supply chains centred on China see the advantages of maintaining a stable 
exchange rate against the renminbi.

Trade is also propelling the rise of the renminbi outside east Asia. For 
example, the currencies of India, Chile, Israel, South Africa and Turkey all 
now follow the renminbi closely; in some cases, more so than the dollar. If 
China were to liberalise its financial and currency markets, the lure of the 
renminbi would broaden and quicken.

This development has two implications. First, it is one more important marker 
in the shift of economic dominance away from the US and towards China. Not only 
is China, by some measures, the world’s largest economy in purchasing power 
parity terms, the world’s largest exporter and the world’s largest net creditor 
(for more than a decade), but the renminbi bloc has now displaced the dollar 
bloc in Asia. The symbolism and its historic significance cannot be understated 
because east Asia, despite physical distance, has always been part of the 
dollar backyard.

America optimists invoke the rise and fall of Japan over the past few decades 
to suggest that China’s rise today will go Japan’s way, ensuring the 
continuation of Pax Americana. But they should take note that even during the 
heady days of the Japanese miracle, the yen never came close to rivalling the 
dollar as a reference currency. There was never anything close to a yen bloc in 
east Asia.

Second, and related to the above, is that this shift highlights the conflicting 
tugs that east Asian countries will face. The gravitational forces of 
economics, trade and now currency are drawing these countries closer to China. 
But Chinese shenanigans in relation to politics and security have repelled 
these countries into America’s embrace, reflected most vividly in the latter’s 
pivot-to-Asia strategy. The old saying is that politics trumps in the short run 
but economics wins in the long run. If true, the strategy of relying on China 
for butter and on America for guns will be a difficult balancing act to pull 
off.

The message for the next US president is clear: America’s top priority should 
be internal economic regeneration rather than targeting China’s currency or 
other policies. The urgency of the message is underlined by the reality that 
this regeneration is a necessary but by no means sufficient condition for 
retaining American pre-eminence in the face of China’s rise.

The writers are senior fellow and research analyst at the Peterson Institute 
for International Economics
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