Max Sawicky wrote:
> "Resistance to capitalism" or simply agitating for a bigger piece of the
> pie?

The whole idea of the "labor aristocracy" involves an incomplete
(partial) vision of the world. It's not that such a grouping can't
exist. After all, didn't the oil-workers' union in Venezuela side with
the oil owners against Chávez and benefit mightily as  result (until
Chávez won)? (The USAID has always encouraged such unionization in
Latin America and likely elsewhere.)

One part that's missing in the usual "labor aristocracy" story is the
point of view of the workers themselves, as Max suggests. As a part of
individuals' collective efforts to survive and even to prosper (to pay
the bills, support the family, to get not just bread but also roses)
there are different strategies, varying from the craft-union economism
of the AFL to the broader, more inclusive, industrial unionism of the
original CIO to the idea of "one big union" of the IWW to the idea of
merging unionism with a labor party to... All of these strategies make
sense to one degree or another (depending on the historical context,
of course). The question is which one(s) are best from a leftist
perspective and should be favored (and in what situations).

The key is that an economistic (AFL) strategy involves an implicit or
even an explicit alliance with the employer or the employers (e.g.,
the building trades bosses). Like most alliances, there are internal
tensions (as building trades contractors complain about union rules
and the like). But going down the road of economism often involves an
alliance with the boss against "outsiders," e.g., ethnic minorities,
women, and/or young people not related to union members. This can
benefit the insiders (at least for a few years) at the same time that
it divides the working class as a whole, helping to stabilize the
system. As such, the effects are very much the same as in the idea of
the labor aristocracy. To use old Marxist lingo, one might say that
such craft unions (if successful) are "objectively" members of the
labor aristocracy.

In the long run, such a economistic strategy doesn't pay (except as a
survival strategy for a small number of workers) as the employers
still control the technology and the money. Broader-minded strategies
are less divisive and are more likely to succeed in the long run.

(I should mention that the building trades are a lot like the world
that Adam Smith looked at in 1776. The division between the "workers"
and the "masters" is much more fluid than in (say) manufacturing. An
employee in one situation can be a contractor in another. That's one
of the reasons why the craft union strategy has persisted.

(Also, it's not just craft unions that can be economistic. If I
remember correctly, even at the high point of the UAW, Black workers
were assigned the worst and worst-paid jobs.)
-- 
Jim Devine /  "Segui il tuo corso, e lascia dir le genti." (Go your
own way and let people talk.) -- Karl, paraphrasing Dante.
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