I have written one piece that deals with this sort of Saskia's theme.
Geography, uneven development and distributive justice: the political
economy of IT growth in India

*Anthony P. D'Costa*

*Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and
Society<http://econpapers.repec.org/article/oupcjrecs/>
*, 2011, vol. 4, issue 2, pages 237-251


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Anthony P. D'Costa, Chair & Professor of Contemporary Indian Studies
 Australia India Institute and School of Social & Political Sciences
University of Melbourne
147-149 Barry Street, Carlton VIC 3053
Ph: +61 3 9035 6161

Visit the Australia India Institute Website
http://www.aii.unimelb.edu.au/<https://owa.unimelb.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=KGdpeyp6YEyjUaiENKoAtx8nOn9uStAIlCVtCNE3uLxqkGIwkWdEYjJXILfPlddrM0Q1713syQQ.&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.aii.unimelb.edu.au%2f>


[image: cid:9A86825B-BEA5-4325-9640-1C18BBE1FE84]
 *Recent books:*
*http://ukcatalogue.oup.com/product/9780198082286.do#.UI5Wzmc2dI0<https://owa.unimelb.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=KGdpeyp6YEyjUaiENKoAtx8nOn9uStAIlCVtCNE3uLxqkGIwkWdEYjJXILfPlddrM0Q1713syQQ.&URL=http%3a%2f%2fukcatalogue.oup.com%2fproduct%2f9780198082286.do%23.UI5Wzmc2dI0>
**
http://www.oup.com/localecatalogue/cls_academic/?i=9780199646210<https://owa.unimelb.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=KGdpeyp6YEyjUaiENKoAtx8nOn9uStAIlCVtCNE3uLxqkGIwkWdEYjJXILfPlddrM0Q1713syQQ.&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.oup.com%2flocalecatalogue%2fcls_academic%2f%3fi%3d9780199646210>
**http://www.anthempress.com/pdf/9780857285041.pdf<https://owa.unimelb.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=KGdpeyp6YEyjUaiENKoAtx8nOn9uStAIlCVtCNE3uLxqkGIwkWdEYjJXILfPlddrM0Q1713syQQ.&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.anthempress.com%2fpdf%2f9780857285041.pdf>
**
*http://www.palgrave.com/products/title.aspx?pid=295354<https://owa.unimelb.edu.au/owa/redir.aspx?C=KGdpeyp6YEyjUaiENKoAtx8nOn9uStAIlCVtCNE3uLxqkGIwkWdEYjJXILfPlddrM0Q1713syQQ.&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.palgrave.com%2fproducts%2ftitle.aspx%3fpid%3d295354>

*KOREA CONFERENCE April 18-19, 2013*
*http://tinyurl.com/cwrxcg4*
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On Wed, Jul 31, 2013 at 11:51 PM, Louis Proyect <[email protected]> wrote:

> Financial Times June 14, 2013 6:49 pm
> Priced out of Paris
>
> By Simon Kuper
>
> Our great, global cities are turning into vast gated citadels where the
> elite reproduces itself
>
> Two mournful friends dropped by our flat in Paris last Sunday. They are
> a well-paid couple from the caste known in Paris as “bobos”: people with
> bourgeois incomes and bohemian tastes. In the popular narrative, bobos
> have invaded Paris, driving out pure bohemians and the working class.
> But my bobo friends had a new story: they themselves were being driven
> out of Paris. To get enough space for their kids, they were leaving for
> the suburbs. When they’d told the headmaster at the children’s school,
> he had looked sad and said: “Everyone is leaving.” Paris is pricing out
> even the upper middle-class.
>
> There is a wider story here. The great global cities – notably New York,
> London, Singapore, Hong Kong and Paris – are unprecedentedly desirable.
> At last week’s fascinating New Cities Summit in São Paulo, the architect
> Daniel Libeskind said: “We live in a time of renaissance … cities are
> coming back to life, after a long neglect.” Edward Luce chronicled the
> urban revival in last Saturday’s FT Magazine. However, there’s an iron
> law of 21st-century life: when something is desirable, the “one per
> cent” grabs it. The great cities are becoming elite citadels. This is
> terrifying for everyone else.
>
> At the New Cities Summit I had a coffee with Saskia Sassen of Columbia
> University, leading thinker on cities. That took some doing: Sassen
> arrived from Bogotá that morning, and was flying to Zurich hours later.
> “Cities were poor,” she told me, in between. “In the 1970s London was
> broke, New York was broke, Tokyo was broke, Paris was much poorer than
> now. And the built environment was a bit run down.”
>
> But from the 1980s, these cities recovered. An increasingly complex
> financial sector needed more sophisticated networks of lawyers and
> accountants. Corporate mergers and takeovers meant global headquarters
> got concentrated in fewer places. Crime declined, making cities less
> scary. And so great cities grew richer. Fancy architects put up lovely
> buildings. House prices rose.
>
> First, the working classes and bohemians were priced out. Nowadays the
> only ribald proletarian banter you hear inside Paris is from the market
> sellers, who don’t live there anymore.
>
> That was gentrification. Now comes plutocratisation: the middle classes
> and small companies are falling victim to class-cleansing. Global cities
> are becoming patrician ghettos. In 2009, says Sassen, the top 1 per cent
> of New York City’s earners got 44 per cent of the compensation paid to
> its workers. The “super-prime housing market” keeps rising even when the
> national economy collapses. After Manhattan, New York’s upper-middle
> classes are being priced out of Brooklyn. Sassen diagnoses “gradual
> destruction”.
>
> Global cities are turning into vast gated communities where the one per
> cent reproduces itself. Elite members don’t live there for their jobs.
> They work virtually anyway. Rather, global cities are where they network
> with each other, and put their kids through their country’s best
> schools. The elite talks about its cities in ostensibly innocent
> language, says Sassen: “a good education for my child,” “my
> neighbourhood and its shops”. But the truth is exclusion.
>
> When one-per-centers travel, they meet peers from other global cities. A
> triangular elite circuit now links London, Paris and Brussels, notes
> Michael Keith, anthropology professor at Oxford. Elite New Yorkers visit
> London, not Buffalo.
>
> Sassen says: “These new geographies of centrality cut across many older
> divides – north-south, east-west, democracies versus dictator regimes.
> So top-level corporate and professional sectors of São Paulo begin to
> have more in common with peers in Paris, Hong Kong et cetera than with
> the rest of their own societies.”
>
> . . .
>
> All through history, bright young people migrated to metropolises: think
> of Dick Whittington, the semi-mythical medieval English country boy who
> ended up mayor of London. But today Dick wouldn’t be able to afford a
> bedsit in London. He’d have to turn down an internship. To buy in these
> cities now, you must either earn a fortune or inherit a house there –
> and often the same people do both. Outsiders who reach the city late
> rarely have the education and contacts to succeed.
>
> Inevitably, the one per cent in the global city shapes national
> policies. Sassen mentions core features of the “neoliberal project”,
> such as deregulating finance or privileging control of inflation over
> job growth. “The work was done in Wall Street, the City of London,” she
> says. Elite opinion-formers, who live in global cities alongside
> financiers (albeit in smaller flats), assured the little people that
> these policies would help everyone.
>
> Sassen sighs: “The capture by a very small number of cities of a lot of
> the excitement and wealth produced by the system – this is a problem.”
> Outside these hubs, things are less desirable. Most western cities have
> lost manufacturing. Market towns struggle as small-scale agriculture
> fades. A few secondary cities (Lyon, Denver, Bristol) thrive. Most
> don’t. Even cities as prominent as São Paulo, Moscow or Johannesburg may
> prove too violent or congested to succeed. “You also have cities that
> simply die – Detroit,” adds Sassen. But if they’re out in the sticks,
> nobody powerful will hear them scream.
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