[Apparently this week’s installment of the column is sponsored by the Gates 
Foundation; you can’t make this shit up]

https://www.privacyinternational.org/projects/big-brother-inc

http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2013/nov/12/surveillance-aid-iris-scanning-gps-tracking

The road to surveillance is paved with good intentions – and warning signs

Iris scanning and GPS tracking are increasingly central to the delivery of aid. 
The consequences could be devastating.

>From databases to mobile phone apps and SMS systems, GPS tracking and 
>humanitarian drones to biometric registration, new technologies are rapidly 
>becoming central to the delivery of humanitarian and development aid.

Refugees fleeing the Syrian conflict are having their irises scanned and their 
identity documents digitised. Nurses in Nigeria are using SMS systems to 
communicate HIV test results to health facilities. Cash is being delivered to 
those living in Kenya's slums through the M-Pesa mobile-phone banking system.

The drive behind this technological and data evangelism is well intentioned. 
The usefulness of these tools has played out repeatedly on the humanitarian 
stage, be it through the use of Twitter analysis to map the spread of cholera 
in Haiti or the distribution of smart cards to flood-affected populations in 
Pakistan. New technologies have made delivering a id faster, easier and cheaper.

Yet the technological revolution in foreign aid – like many other well-meaning 
innovations – is not without risk. A clear implication of adopting new 
technologies is the creation of previously unimagined amounts of data about the 
individuals who receive humanitarian and development assistance.

Often, the collection and retention of data is an objective of the intervention 
– as with biometric identity registration systems in refugee camps, for 
example, or the establishment of a database of HIV-infected pregnant women to 
monitor transmission rates. But in many more cases, it is incidental to the use 
of technology.

Mobile phones generate call and SMS records that not only contain troves of 
data, but produce dramatically larger stores of information about an 
individual's location, routines, contacts and network. When mobile phones are 
used in health-monitoring programmes, or for crisis mapping of human rights 
violations, they also facilitate the generation of particularly sensitive 
information.

The collection, digitisation and dissemination of personal data raises serious 
issues about the ability of humanitarian organisations to protect such 
information. Organisations of this nature operate in complex environments with 
outdated information security practices and inconsistent access to electricity. 
Data protection standards are virtually non-existent and data is shared fluidly 
between organisations, agencies, donors, and NGOs. Most disconcertingly, data 
is also often shared with (or accessible by) two entities that do not 
necessarily operate under the same humanitarian ethics and with the same 
well-intentioned objectives – the private sector, and the state.

There is a real danger that the aid community is laying the groundwork for 
pervasive – and potentially devastating – surveillance. By encouraging the 
sharing of incredibly sensitive information through insecure mobile networks, 
the establishment of national centralised databases of invasive biometric 
information, the analysis of location data derived from mobile phones, or the 
use of private-public partnerships to deliver mobile access to financial 
services, these organisations are providing the building blocks for 
surveillance states.

If governments access this information – either because humanitarian partners 
provide it to them, or they demand access – they could build profiles based on 
data about location, ethnicity, religion, gender, land ownership, political 
affiliation, financial status or health. Victims who report human rights 
violations might be the subject of reprisals, people living with HIV could be 
exposed, members of particular ethnic groups monitored.

Centralised identity databases have a tragic legacy of being used to facilitate 
mass human rights violations – look no further than the role of Rwanda's ID 
cards (pdf) in facilitating the 1994 genocide, or the way in which South 
Africa's 1950 Population Registration Act laid the foundations for apartheid. 
Imagine the implications of government access to the data collected by refugee 
agencies, peacekeeping forces, or NGOs monitoring violence against women.

The use of these technologies for the collation of data is particularly 
worrying given the lack of any effective data protection framework in most 
developing countries. Of course, such programmes are only possible because of 
the absence of legal protections; it would be impossible for any European-based 
enterprise to collect location data on minorities, require SMS-reporting about 
drug adherence, or establish large databases of sensitive information without 
safeguards.

This illustrates the curious double standard applied to the adoption of new 
technologies in developing countries and humanitarian emergencies. Whereas 
similar ID systems, biometric databases, and health registers have met serious 
resistance in the UK, Germany and Israel, and national condemnation of state 
surveillance reverberated around the US and Europe in the aftermath of the 
Snowden revelations, these same surveillance-facilitating technologies are 
being promoted by foreign aid donors hailing from western states. Funds have 
even been earmarked particularly for technology-based interventions by the US 
aid agency USAid, World Bank, the UK's Department for International Development 
(DfID) and EuropeAid.

The very real danger of aid facilitating surveillance was highlighted by the 
revelation that EuropeAid, to which DfiD is a contributor, has been used to 
support the security forces of Belarus, Europe's last dictatorship, with the 
aim of enhancing border security.

But the implications of aid are not always so obvious. Whether it might be 
helping to create a legacy of state surveillance in developing countries is a 
crucial question that needs to be asked of DfiD and other aid agencies. The 
road to surveillance may be paved with good intentions, but the warning signs 
are everywhere. The challenge now is to heed them.

Carly Nyst is head of international advocacy at Privacy International. This 
blog draws on the organisation's report, Aiding Surveillance, published on 
Tuesday, which explores how development and humanitarian aid initiatives are 
enabling surveillance in developing countries.
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