Lenin on Keynes: "Let us take the national debts. We know that the
debts of the principal European states increased no less than
sevenfold in the period between 1914 and 1920. I shall quote another
economic source, one of particular significance--Keynes, the British
diplomat and author of The Economic Consequenices of the Peace, who,
on instructions from his government, took part in the Versailles peace
negotiations, observed them on the spot from thc purely bourgeois
point of view, studied the subject in detail, step by step, and took
part in the conferences as an economist. He has arrived at conclusions
which are more weighty, more striking and more instructive than any a
Communist revolutionary could draw, because they are the conclusions
of a well-known bourgeois and implacable enemy of Bolshevism, which
he, like the British philistine he is, imagines as something
monstrous, ferocious, and bestial. Keynes has reached the conclusion
that after the Peace of Versailles, Europe and the whole world are
heading for bankruptcy. He has resigned, and thrown his book in the
government's face with the words: "What you are doing is madness". I
shall quote his figures, which can be summed up as follows.

What are the debtor-creditor relations that have developed between the
principal powers? I shall convert pounds sterling into gold rubles, at
a rate of ten gold rubles to one pound. Here is what we get: the
United States has assets amounting to 19,000 million, its liabilities
are nil. Before the war it was in Britain's debt. In his report on
April 14, 1920, to the last congress of the Communist Party of
Germany, Comrade Levi very correctly pointed out that there are now
only two powers in the world that can act independently, viz., Britain
and America. America alone is absolutely independent financially.
Before the war she was a debtor; she is now a creditor only. All the
other powers in the world are debtors. Britain has been reduced to a
position in which her assets total 17,000 million, and her liabilities
8,000 million. She is already half-way to becoming a debtor nation.
Moreover, her assets include about 6,000 million owed to her by
Russia. Included in the debt are military supplies received by Russia
during the war. When Krasin, as representative of the Russian Soviet
Government, recently had occasion to discuss with Lloyd George the
subject of debt agreements, he made it plain to the scientists and
politicians, to the British Government's leaders, that they were
labouring under a strange delusion if they were counting on getting
these debts repaid. The British diplomat Keynes has already laid this
delusion bare.

Of course, it is not only or even not at all a question of the Russian
revolutionary government having no wish to pay the debts. No
government would pay, because these debts are usurious interest on a
sum that has been paid twenty times over, and the selfsame bourgeois
Keynes, who does not in the least sympathise with the Russian
revolutionary movement, says: "It is clear that these debts cannot be
taken into account."

In regard to France, Keynes quotes the following figures: her assets
amount to 3,500 million, and her liabilities to 10,500 million! And
this is a country which the French themselves called the world's
money-lender, because her "savings" were enormous; the proceeds of
colonial and financial pillage--a gigantic capital--enabled her to grant
thousands upon thousands of millions in loans, particularly to Russia.
These loans brought in an enormous revenue. Notwithstanding this and
notwithstanding victory, France has been reduced to debtor status.

A bourgeois American source, quoted by Comrade Braun, a Communist, in
his book Who Must Pay the War Debts? (Leipzig, 1920), estimates the
ratio of debts to national wealth as follows: in the victor countries,
Britain and Francc, the ratio of debts to aggregate national wealth is
over 50 per cent; in Italy the percentage is between 60 and 70, and in
Russia 90. As you know, however, these debts do not disturb us,
because we followed Keynes's excellent advice just a little before his
book appeared--we annulled all our debts. (Stormy applause.)

In this, however, Keynes reveals the usual crankiness of the
philistine: while advising that all debts should be annulled, he goes
on to say that, of course, France only stands to gain by it, that, of
course, Britain will not lose very much, as nothing can be got out of
Russia in any case; America will lose a fair amount, but Keynes counts
on American "generosity"! On this point our views differ from those of
Keynes and other petty-bourgeois pacifists. We think that to get the
debts annulled they will have to wait for something else to happen,
and will have to try working in a direction other than counting on the
"generosity" of the capitalists. "
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1920/jul/x03.htm

'Thus we have a situation in which America, a wealthy country that all
countries are subordinate to, cannot buy or sell. And the selfsame
Keynes who went through the entire gamut of the Versailles
negotiations has been compelled to acknowledge this impossibility
despite his unyielding determination to defend capitalism, and all his
hatred of Bolshevism. Incidentally, I do not think any communist
manifesto, or one that is revolutionary in general, could compare in
forcefulness with those pages in Keynes's book which depict Wilson and
"Wilsonism" in action. Wilson was the idol of philistines and
pacifists like Keynes and a number of heroes of the Second
International (and even of the "Two-and-a-Half" International[2]), who
exalted the "Fourteen Points" and even wrote "learned" books about the
"roots " of Wilson 's policy; they hoped that Wilson would save
"social peace", reconcile exploiters and exploited, and bring about
social reforms. Keynes showed vividly how Wilson was made a fool of,
and all these illusions were shattered at the first impact with the
practical, mercantile and huckster policy of capital as personified by
Clemenceau and Lloyd George. The masses of the workers now see more
clearly than ever, from their own experience--and the learned pedants
could see it just by reading Keynes's book--that the "roots" of
Wilson's policy lay in sanctimonious piffle, petty-bourgeois
phrase-mongering, and an utter inability to understand the class
struggle.
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