NY Times Op-Ed, Mar. 29 2014
High Culture and Hard Labor
By ANDREW ROSS

ACROSS a narrow sea channel from Abu Dhabi’s sleek towers, construction 
on Saadiyat Island is proceeding at a pace that’s extreme even by the 
standards of this Persian Gulf boomtown.

Planned as the mother of all luxury property developments, Saadiyat’s 
extraordinary offer to the buyers of its opulent villas is that they 
will be able to stroll to the Guggenheim Museum, the Louvre and a new 
national museum partnered with the British Museum. A clutch of lustrous 
architects — Frank Gehry, Jean Nouvel, Zaha Hadid, Rafael Viñoly and 
Norman Foster — have been lured with princely sums to design these 
buildings. New York University, where I am on the faculty, will join the 
museums when its satellite campus opens later this year. But there is a 
darker story behind the shiny facades of these temples to culture, arts 
and ideas.

On Saadiyat, and throughout the gleaming cityscapes of Abu Dhabi and 
Dubai, the construction work force is almost entirely made up of Indian, 
Pakistani, Bangladeshi Sri Lankan and Nepalese migrant laborers. Bound 
to an employer by the kafala sponsorship system, they arrive heavily 
indebted from recruitment and transit fees, only to find that their gulf 
dream has been a mirage. Typically, in the United Arab Emirates, the 
sponsoring employer takes their passports, houses the workers in 
substandard labor camps, pays much less than they were promised and 
enforces a punishing regimen under the desert sun.

In its 2006 report “Building Towers, Cheating Workers,” Human Rights 
Watch issued the first of its several critiques of the kafala system. 
The official response has been mixed: some reforms have been made to 
labor law, but representatives from Human Rights Watch have been barred 
from entry, and almost a thousand migrants have died in neighboring 
Qatar while building infrastructure for the 2022 World Cup.

Saadiyat is supposed to be a model exception. The government’s Tourism 
Development and Investment Corporation has installed a well-equipped 
worker village (though it still has the feel of a detention camp), along 
with employment policies that look good on paper. But the policies are 
not adequately enforced. Employers are supposed to pay off their 
workers’ recruitment fees, though very few do, and many contractors 
house their workers more cheaply in poor facilities elsewhere. Every 
independent investigator who has visited these off-island locations has 
turned up multiple violations of the employment codes.

Earlier this month, I interviewed workers employed on Saadiyat projects, 
accompanied by my colleagues from Gulf Labor, a coalition of artists and 
writers convened three years ago to persuade the Guggenheim and the 
Louvre to raise labor standards. Gulf Labor has led an international 
boycott of the museum’s Abu Dhabi branch by more than 1,800 artists, 
writers, curators and gallery owners — many of them respected names 
whose work the Guggenheim would like to acquire for its Saadiyat collection.

On our trips through the archipelago of labor camps that encircles Abu 
Dhabi and Dubai, we stopped at a makeshift Punjabi restaurant in the 
industrial area known as Al Quoz. There, in the early morning hours, we 
spoke with a number of workers including one named Ganesh, who has 
worked on buildings for N.Y.U. and the Louvre. Slightly built with a 
dazzling smile, he switched between Hindi and English to explain his 
predicament. Owed a year’s wages by the recruitment company that brought 
him from Nepal, he is unable to leave the U.A.E., more than 10 years 
later, because his sponsor has his passport (and his back pay). His 
labor visa has expired, and he is surviving on canteen credit and 
illegal work stints.

Paying off recruitment debts consumed his first two years of hard labor 
in the U.A.E. During that time, his family’s subsistence farm in the 
Himalaya foothills had been at his creditor’s disposal. “Three or four 
out of 10 lose their land,” he said, “when they can’t repay on time.” 
His next decade in the U.A.E. was spent scratching out thin remittances 
to send to his wife and children. On some work projects, he was housed 
three hours from the construction site. To put in a mandatory 12-hour 
shift, “I had to wake up at 4 a.m.,” he said, “and then had to cook my 
dinner after I returned at 10 p.m.”

Last month, a Gulf Labor offshoot (the Global Ultra Luxury Faction) 
occupied the Guggenheim Museum in New York, protesting labor conditions 
in Abu Dhabi. In response, the museum’s director, Richard Armstrong, 
claimed that the Guggenheim’s Abu Dhabi expansion, designed by Mr. 
Gehry, is not yet under construction. Yet the extensive foundation 
pilings and much of the surrounding infrastructure have already been laid.

It’s not too late for the museum to break with the practices that have 
built the Louvre and N.Y.U. And there is still time for Mr. Gehry to 
counter the ugly implications of Zaha Hadid’s recent remarks after the 
deaths in Qatar, where she designed Al Wakrah stadium. “I have nothing 
to do with the workers,” she said. “It’s not my duty as an architect to 
look at it.”

The U.A.E. is hardly alone in its dependence on tragically underpaid and 
ill-treated migrant workers. Every developed, and fast-developing, 
country has its own record of shame. But in the Persian Gulf States, the 
lavish lifestyle of a minority composed of citizens and corporate expats 
is maintained by a vast majority that functions as a servant class.

If liberal cultural and educational institutions are to operate with any 
integrity in that environment, they must insist on a change of the 
rules: abolish the recruitment debt system, pay a living wage, allow 
workers to change employers at will and legalize the right to collective 
bargaining. Otherwise, their gulf paymasters will go on cherry-picking 
from the globalization menu — Lamborghinis, credit default swaps, 
liberal arts degrees, blockbuster exhibitions — while spurning the 
social contract that protects basic human rights.

Andrew Ross is a professor of social and cultural analysis at New York 
University and a member of Gulf Labor.
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