Thanks for this reference Tom. I find it quite useful for some work I am doing.
        Gary



On 2014-04-27, at 10:45 AM, Tom Walker <[email protected]> wrote:

> http://econospeak.blogspot.ca/2014/04/inequality-and-class-struggle.html
> 
> In his discussion of the Cobb-Douglas production function and the presumed 
> stability of the capital/labor income split, Thomas Piketty references the 
> work of "the young German historian and economist Jürgen Kuczynski" (p. 219). 
> Readers of Capital in the 21st Century may be interested to learn a bit more 
> about this intriguing character, whom Marc Linder profiled in a 1994 
> monograph, "From Surplus Value to Unit Labor Costs: The Bourgeoisification of 
> a Communist Conspiracy" published in the book, Labor Statistics and Class 
> Struggle.
> 
> In the mid-1920s, the American Federation of Labor adopted a new wage policy 
> linking wage demands to productivity gains, which Linder described as 
> "strongly reminiscent of the reasoning that Marx had used in an address to 
> the General Council of the First International in 1865 to refute the claims 
> of one of its members, a carpenter named John Weston, that a general increase 
> of wage rates did not benefit the working class." An excerpt from Linder's 
> book:
> The reason that Green’s “Modern Wage Policy” Declaration seemed so curiously 
> suggestive of Marx’s own popularization of the theory of exploitation is that 
> it was, implausibly enough, written by a German Marxist mole in the AFL. That 
> person, who was also responsible for developing the data on relative wages 
> for the AFL, and thus for the organization’s conversion to a crypto-Marxist 
> strategy of holding the line on the rate of surplus value, was twenty-two 
> year-old Jürgen Kuczynski… 
> In September 1926… Kuczynski departed for the United States, where his 
> father, who spent half of each year at the Brookings Institution and as late 
> as 1931 was a member of its advisory council, had secured him a stipend at 
> the short-lived Robert Brookings Graduate School of Economics and Government. 
> Through his father, Kuczynski again came into social contact with many 
> scholarly and political leaders in Washington, D.C., including Justice 
> Brandeis, a distant relative. 
> Shortly before his departure for the United States, Kuczynski was struck by 
> Paul Douglas’s recent article comparing the movements of real wages, 
> production, and productivity. Although Douglas did not draw the parallel or 
> discuss its significance, he presented data showing that from 1899 to 1923, 
> the real earnings of manufacturing wage-earners had risen 28 per cent whereas 
> their per capita output or productivity had increased 52 per cent. Kuczynski 
> then published a piece in the Finanzpolitische Korrespondenz, which his 
> father edited, in which he methodologically went a step beyond Douglas: by 
> dividing the index of real wages by the index of production, he generated an 
> index of “the share of industrial workers in the total product of industry.” 
> This “social standard of living,” which Kuczynski conceded was very rough and 
> in need of refinements, had declined by 50 per cent between the turn of the 
> century and World War I and remained stagnant thereafter. 
> In the course of re-reading Douglas on the boat to the United States, a 
> “fundamental idea” dawned on Kuczynski -- namely, that the relationship 
> between production and real wages was nothing but Marx’s idea of relative 
> wages. Whereas only bourgeois theorists and especially social-democratic 
> revisionists contested Marx’s ‘“theory of absolute immiseration,’” relative 
> immiseration seemed, once the absolute variant was accepted, 
> self-explanatory. The reason that no one had thought of calculating relative 
> wages was the lack of relevant data. When Kuczynski realized on the boat that 
> statistics recently published in the United States had made such calculations 
> possible, he arrived in Washington with his “tongue hanging out.” In November 
> 1926, two months after his arrival, he published two more articles in his 
> father’s journal on relative wages, which were both suffused with a primitive 
> version of ameliorative underconsumptionism. In one, expressly referring to 
> Marx’s distinction between real and social standards of living, he loosely 
> defined the latter as (wage-working) consumers’ share of the national 
> product, In the other he presented the first fruits of his calculations of 
> relative wages in several industries as the result of dividing real wages 
> (measured both by a cost of living index and an index of wholesale prices of 
> the particular industry) by productivity. In 1927 and 1928, Kuczynski 
> published additional articles on the same subject in Germany until the 
> relative wage “had again found its place as a category of Marxist doctrine." 
> While refurbishing Marxism, Kuczynski also performed a much more spectacular 
> feat: ventriloquizing President Green. Although Frey’s efforts at the 1925 
> AFL convention had “given a great movement a great idea,” Kuczynski was 
> disappointed that the Federation had “forgotten” about computing the worker’s 
> share of the product or implementing the new principle. To be sure, Kuczynski 
> overstated his own and underestimated the AFL’s initiative: immediately after 
> the Atlantic City convention, The New York Times had published an interview 
> with Green in which he anticipated by a year Kuczynski’s call for a workers’ 
> share index. Specifically, Green stated that the AFL should do research to 
> show workers and the public “how the purchasing power of wages has varied . . 
> . and what relation that curve bears to the output per worker.”
> 
> -- 
> Cheers,
> 
> Tom Walker (Sandwichman)
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