NY Times, June 19 2014
Why We’re All Crony Capitalists, Like It or Not
by Neil Irwin

If there’s one thing that populists on the left and right can agree 
upon, it is disdain for crony capitalism. It is a distaste for the 
cesspool of Washington influence, in which big-business lobbyists 
canoodle with lawmakers to get their way. It is anger at corporate 
welfare enriching America’s biggest companies at the expense of the 
little guy.

But what’s new is that conservative activists are channeling that spirit 
into a concrete change in policy. Rather than just talking about ending 
crony capitalism, House Republicans and some of the outside groups that 
support them and try to push them to the right are looking to eliminate 
an agency that provides billions in government-funded loans to support 
American exporters.

How one stands on reauthorizing the Export-Import Bank of the United 
States is a test of who’s really in charge of the Republican party, 
pitting business interests against a populist Tea Party wing. The two 
sides could agree that they hate Obamacare and want to cut social 
welfare spending. But the debate over Ex-Im Bank pits the likes of the 
Heritage Foundation and Americans for Prosperity directly against the 
preferences of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and National Association of 
Manufacturers.

But when you dive into the debate, it also offers something else: A 
fascinating case study in how modern economies really work, and the ways 
big business and big government are inevitably intertwined in ways that 
believers in free markets may not like — but may not be able to avoid. 
In short, we’re all crony capitalists, whether we like it or not.

So what is the Ex-Im Bank? Its job is to provide financing for American 
exports. When a Brazilian airline buys a Boeing 737 or a Turkish 
electric utility buys General Electric turbines, they can receive 
financing through the bank at more favorable interest rates than would 
be available in the private market. Smaller American companies that are 
looking to export can borrow working capital to help float the costs of 
selling their goods overseas.

The borrowers pay interest on those loans and loan guarantee fees, which 
allows the bank to return cash to taxpayers; the Congressional Budget 
Office projects that using standard government accounting rules the bank 
will refund $14 billion over the next decade to the Treasury Department. 
But taxpayers are subsidizing the bank to the tune of $2 billion for the 
same period of time if you use “fair value” accounting, calculating the 
values of the guarantees and below-market loans the bank issues.

So why should the government be running what is, in effect, a very 
specialized bank? For smaller companies, getting trade finance through 
privately owned banks is hard simply because only the biggest and most 
global institutions are in that business.

Good luck going to your neighborhood bank branch and asking for a $1 
million loan to finance the shipment of industrial equipment to Uruguay, 
a transaction that includes all types of exotic risks (currency, 
political, etc.) that will leave your banker scratching his head.

Bigger companies — the Boeings and G.E.'s of the world — have access to 
the huge global banks that are used to dealing with those types of 
risks. But America’s corporate giants have to fight for business against 
competitors that benefit from advantageous, government-subsidized trade 
finance. Boeing might have plenty of access to capital from Citigroup or 
JPMorgan to help its customers finance airplane purchases, yet it has to 
fight for business against Europe’s Airbus, which is aided by subsidized 
loans from Europe’s equivalent of the Ex-Im Bank.

And there’s the rub for those who want to shut down the Ex-Im Bank. It’s 
all well and good to assail crony capitalism and to say that taxpayers 
shouldn’t be subsidizing private industry. But it also would amount to 
unilateral disarmament on the international stage, essentially putting 
American exporters at a clear disadvantage compared with European and 
Asian competitors.

More broadly, the debate over the Ex-Im Bank exposes an uncomfortable 
truth about global capitalism. As much as a purist might believe there 
exists some state of nature in which governments neither subsidize nor 
obstruct business, and capitalism represents a pure survival of the 
fittest, that isn’t the world we actually live in.

The terms of global trade are determined by high-stakes negotiations 
between countries over tariffs, market access and common regulatory 
standards. Tech companies spend vast sums obtaining and defending 
patents, which are essentially a state-granted monopoly granted to the 
first one to invent something. American diplomats fight for the 
interests of American oil companies, among other industries, in their 
interactions with foreign governments.

And the banks that would be expected to fill the vacuum of providing 
trade finance if the Ex-Im Bank were disbanded were themselves bailed 
out on a vast scale in 2008, and continue to be intensively regulated.

Here’s a delicious irony: One of the leaders of the push to shut down 
the Export-Import Bank is Delta Air Lines, which doesn’t like the fact 
that international competitors are able to buy Boeing airplanes more 
cheaply thanks to American taxpayers.

“The bank hurts Delta in a very serious way,” the airline’s chief 
executive, Richard Anderson, told The Seattle Times in an interview this 
week. “Our tax dollars are being used by the U.S. government to 
subsidize our foreign competitors to take jobs from the U.S.”

In his mind, it boils down to “the government picking and choosing 
between industries in our country.”

That, of course, would be the same Delta Air Lines that was bailed out 
by the federal government after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, 
transferred its pilots’ pension obligations to the federal Pension 
Benefit Guarantee Corp., and which to this day benefits from rules that 
strictly prohibit foreign air carriers from competing with Delta by 
flying routes within the United States.

There’s a principled libertarian case to be made that this world we live 
in of big companies and big governments working hand in hand stifles 
competition and makes consumers worse off. It is less clear that the 
current push to get rid of the Export-Import Bank would do much of 
anything to change that.

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