NY Times, July 4 2014
Prominent Environmentalist Helped Fund Coal Projects
By MICHAEL BARBARO and CORAL DAVENPORT

To environmentalists across Australia, it is a baffling anachronism in 
an era of climate change: the construction of a 4,000-acre mine in New 
South Wales that will churn out carbon-laden coal for the next 30 years.

The mine’s ground breaking, in a state forest over the winter, inspired 
a 92-year-old veteran to stand in front of a bulldozer and a music 
teacher to chain himself to a piece of excavation equipment.

But the project had an unlikely financial backer in the United States, 
whose infusion of cash helped set it in motion: Tom Steyer, the most 
influential environmentalist in American politics, who has vowed to 
spend $100 million this year to defeat candidates who oppose policies to 
combat climate change.

Mr. Steyer, 56, a billionaire former hedge fund manager, emerged this 
election season as the green-minded answer to Charles G. and David H. 
Koch after vowing that he would sell off his investments in companies 
that generate fossil fuels like coal.

But an in-depth examination of those investments shows that, despite his 
highly public declaration, Mr. Steyer’s divestment will do little to 
impede the coal-related projects his firm bankrolled, which will 
generate tens of millions of tons of carbon pollution for years, if not 
decades, to come.

Over the past 15 years, Mr. Steyer’s fund, Farallon Capital Management, 
has pumped hundreds of millions of dollars into companies that operate 
coal mines and coal-fired power plants from Indonesia to China, records 
and interviews show.

The expected life span of those facilities, some of which may run 
through 2030, could cloud Mr. Steyer’s image as an environmental savior 
and the credibility of his clean-energy message, which has won him 
access to the highest levels of American government. A few weeks ago, 
Mr. Steyer joined President Obama for an intimate group dinner at the 
White House that ran into the early morning hours, according to people 
told of the event.

The New York Times examined the operations of coal-mining companies in 
which Farallon invested or to which it lent money during Mr. Steyer’s 
stewardship, which coincided with growing demand and prices for coal. 
Together, those mines have increased their annual production by about 70 
million tons since they received money from the hedge fund, according to 
corporate records, government data and interviews with industry experts.

That is more than the amount of coal consumed annually by Britain.

“I am disappointed, I have to say,” said Dale Jamieson, a professor of 
environmental studies at New York University, who said he admired Mr. 
Steyer’s campaign to curb climate change. When it comes to large-scale 
investments in coal, Dr. Jamieson said, “you can’t undo what you’ve done 
in the past.”

Mr. Steyer sold his ownership stake in Farallon in late 2012, but he has 
not cut ties with it entirely. He remains a passive investor, his aides 
said, though they declined to describe the size of his investment. 
Employees at Farallon screen out any fossil-fuel-related holdings from 
his portfolio, and he no longer earns a share of the profits from the 
fund, the aides said.

Farallon is still invested in carbon-generating industries, and the 
aides declined to say whether Mr. Steyer had asked it to sell those 
holdings, a request that would presumably hold significant sway given 
his role as a founder.

The Australian mine, known as Maules Creek, illustrates the complexities 
of Mr. Steyer’s efforts to distance himself. Farallon was a major 
investor in a 2009 deal aimed at developing the mine, lending an 
Australian entrepreneur hundreds of millions of dollars to buy out the 
previous owner, according to people involved in the transaction. 
Eventually, the entrepreneur took the mine public, turning Farallon’s 
investment into a large profit. An executive involved in the original 
deal estimated that Farallon earned tens of millions of dollars.

Farallon remains an investor in Maules Creek to this day. Mining at the 
site, expected to start in 2015, will last up to 30 years, yield as much 
as 13 million tons of coal a year and generate about 30 million tons of 
carbon dioxide a year, according to Ian Lowe, the former head of the 
School of Science at Griffith University in Queensland, Australia. (The 
company that owns the mine, Whitehaven Coal, disputes the carbon dioxide 
projection.)

Given Mr. Steyer’s reputation as an active environmentalist, Australian 
opponents of the mine were startled to learn of his firm’s role as an 
early investor.

“It’s gobsmacking,” Philip Spark, president of the Northern Inland 
Council for the Environment, a nonprofit trying to stop construction of 
the mine, said in a telephone interview. “It’s amazing that such a 
person could have been involved in this project.”

Mark Carnegie, an investment banker in Australia who was involved in the 
Maules Creek deal, said he could sense even then that Mr. Steyer was 
struggling to reconcile his motivations as a profit-seeking investor 
with his growing anxieties about the environment.

But the investment was financially irresistible. “It was a hard thing to 
turn down,” Mr. Carnegie said. “It was a huge winning bet for Farallon.”

Asked why Mr. Steyer had allowed Farallon to pursue such investments in 
recent years, Heather Wong, a spokeswoman for Mr. Steyer’s political 
organization, said, “Given how major global funds are structured, they 
are by definition invested in every sector of the economy, which is why 
Tom stepped down in 2012.”

In Mr. Steyer, the environmental movement found what it had long lacked 
and sorely wanted: a determined political combatant with a willingness 
to raise and spend campaign money at a level never before seen by 
traditional environmental groups. An Upper East Side native educated at 
Yale and Stanford, Mr. Steyer glided through jobs at Morgan Stanley and 
Goldman Sachs in the 1980s before plunging into the relatively new world 
of hedge funds. Since he founded it in 1986, Farallon — named for a set 
of rocky islands off the California coast — has grown to manage as much 
as $37 billion, from about $15 million in the beginning.

Throughout the early 2000s, the fund offered large, typically 
high-interest loans to companies seeking to buy undervalued coal mines 
in Indonesia, which was still rebounding from the Asian financial 
crisis. The buyouts proved profitable for Farallon, but they also 
encouraged the new owners of the mines to ramp up coal production in 
order to generate revenue to repay the loans, according to executives 
who participated in the buyouts.

In 2004, for example, Farallon lent at least $60 million to a group of 
investors buying an Indonesian coal-mining company called Berau, giving 
the fund a right to a stake in the company, according to people involved 
in the deal. Within a few years, Berau’s value had doubled, delivering a 
hefty return for Farallon. Berau quickly sped up its operations: Its 
coal production soared to 20 million tons in 2012 from about nine 
million tons in 2004.

Roger Suyama, a former Merrill Lynch banker who was involved in the 
Berau buyout, said Farallon was “like an anchor in the Indonesian coal 
industry.”

“By drawing money to an overlooked sector,” he said, “they helped expand 
the coal industry there.”

As with those in coal mining, Mr. Steyer’s investments in coal-fired 
power will reverberate far into the future.

Farallon invested in a subsidiary of Indiabulls, an Indian financial 
conglomerate, in 2008, just as the subsidiary began expanding into 
coal-fired power. Two years later, Indiabulls began construction on two 
massive coal-fired power plants: the 2,700-megawatt Amravati plant in 
central India and the 1,350-megawatt Nasik plant outside Mumbai. When 
completed, Amravati is expected to be one of the largest coal-fired 
power plants in India.

Indiabulls has signed a 20-year power purchase agreement with a 
government-owned electric utility, locking in two decades of carbon 
pollution. It took a similar approach in China.

In 2007, Farallon provided funds for the sale of Meiya Power, an 
electric utility that operates four large coal-fired power plants, which 
collectively produce about 7,000 megawatts of power. Combined, the 
completed Indiabulls and Meiya plants will produce about 60 million tons 
of carbon pollution a year, according to Dallas Burtraw, an analyst at 
Resources for the Future, a research organization in Washington.

The Republican candidates Mr. Steyer is targeting in this year’s midterm 
elections said such investments deeply undermined his cause.

“It blows a hole in his credibility,” said Representative Cory Gardner, 
a Senate candidate in Colorado, whose Democratic rival, Senator Mark 
Udall, has benefited from $100,000 from Mr. Steyer’s “super PAC.” “You 
can’t claim you are a great environmentalist and invest in the very same 
technologies you are railing against.”

Republican leaders and their allies are drawing up plans to cast Mr. 
Steyer as a hypocrite. In North Carolina, Thom Tillis, a Senate 
candidate, said he intended to portray his opponent, Senator Kay Hagan, 
and Mr. Steyer as “people who say one thing and do another.”

At the same time, conservative groups and blogs are scouring Mr. 
Steyer’s business record. One blog, Power Line, has written extensively 
about Farallon’s work in the coal industry.

In interviews, several prominent environmentalists argued that Mr. 
Steyer’s unrivaled spending to support climate-change policies 
outweighed the impact of the carbon pollution unleashed by his past 
investments.

“This is precisely what we want people to do: sell investments in fossil 
fuels and get to work solving the problem of climate change,” said Bill 
McKibben, a founder of the group 350.org, which pushes financial 
institutions to divest from fossil fuels.

Supporters point to the $25 million campaign Mr. Steyer organized four 
years ago to defeat a California ballot initiative that would have 
gutted the state’s landmark climate-change law. The law remained in 
place and is projected to cut about 30 million tons of carbon emissions 
by 2020. This year, Mr. Steyer plans to spend four times as much in 
support of Mr. Obama’s plan to reduce emissions from about 600 
coal-fired power plants — a plan expected to eliminate 220 million tons 
of carbon pollution a year.

But detractors see hypocrisy: As coal linked to Mr. Steyer’s previous 
investments burns in Asian power plants, he is spending a fortune earned 
from those investments to help shutter similar plants in the United States.

“If my side wins, it will create real costs for ordinary working 
people,” said Dr. Jamieson, the N.Y.U. professor. “Hits to their welfare 
will not be compensated by stacks of money.”

Unlike Mr. Steyer, he said, “they won’t have options.”

Ms. Wong, the spokeswoman for Mr. Steyer’s political organization, said 
that Mr. Steyer had invested heavily both in creating jobs in the 
emerging clean-energy industry and in training workers for those positions.

Back in Australia, environmentalists wondered what Mr. Steyer had to say 
about the giant new coal mine financed by his hedge fund. Would he try 
to stop it?

Blair Palese, an environmental leader in Australia, urged Mr. Steyer to 
“get Farallon to step back and get out of this investment.”

“It could be 30 years of coal production,” she said. “How can we keep 
doing this?”
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