(Every so often I read reports about how China is moving toward clean 
energy. Maybe so but if everybody dies from water pollution, I am not 
sure how much difference that will make. An absolutely horrifying report 
on how a lake became a toilet bowl for industry.)

NY Times, Nov. 24 2014
Despite Persecution, Guardian of Lake Tai Spotlights China’s Polluters
By ANDREW JACOBS

ZHOUTIE, China — By autumn, the stench of Lake Tai and the freakish 
green glow of its waters usually fade with the ebbing of the summer 
heat, but this year is different. Standing on a concrete embankment 
overlooking a fetid, floating array of plastic bottles, foam takeout 
containers, flip-flops and the occasional dead fish, Wu Lihong, the 
lake’s unofficial guardian, shook his head in disgust.

“If you jumped into this water, you’d shed a layer of skin,” he said one 
recent afternoon. “The government claims they are cleaning up the lake, 
but as you can see, it’s just not true.”

Seven years after a toxic algae bloom forced millions of people who 
depended on the lake to find alternative sources of drinking water, Lake 
Tai, which straddles two provinces in the Yangtze River delta, remains a 
pungent symbol of China’s inability to tackle some of its most serious 
environmental problems.

Since the 2007 crisis, which drew widespread domestic news media 
coverage and prompted a special meeting of the cabinet, the government 
has spent billions of dollars cleaning up the lake, the country’s 
third-largest freshwater body. But environmentalists say it has little 
to show for the money. Hundreds of chemical plants, textile mills and 
ceramics workshops continue to dump their noxious effluent into the 
waterways that feed into Lake Tai.

“Some progress has been made, but we haven’t yet reached a turning 
point,” said Ma Jun, one of the country’s leading environmentalists. 
“For many factories, the cost of violating the rules is lower than the 
cost of compliance.”

Also unchanged is the persecution of Mr. Wu, 46, a scrappy, self-taught 
environmentalist who spent three years in jail on what he said were 
trumped-up fraud charges — punishment, he said, for his dogged campaign 
against the factory owners and their local government allies, whom he 
blames for despoiling the lake.

Since emerging from prison in 2010, Mr. Wu has continued his advocacy 
work, prompting a predictable response from the authorities. He is 
subjected to periods of confinement at his home in Zhoutie, a village on 
Lake Tai. His cellphone is monitored by the police and he is barred from 
traveling beyond Yixing, the township in eastern Jiangsu Province that 
includes Zhoutie.

Plainclothes police officers often accompany him on shopping excursions, 
and surveillance cameras line the narrow road to his home. Vengeful 
officials, he said, have even stymied his efforts to find a job by 
warning away would-be employers. “If it wasn’t for the garden in front 
of my house, I’d probably starve,” said Mr. Wu, a short, pudgy-faced man 
who often sounds like he is shouting, even when indoors.

Reached by phone, an employee of the Zhoutie public security bureau 
denied that it curtailed Mr. Wu’s freedom.

The experiences of both Lake Tai and Mr. Wu speak volumes about the 
Chinese government’s often contradictory approach to environmental 
protection. Confronted by public anger over contaminated air, water and 
soil, the ruling Communist Party has sought to shutter obsolete steel 
mills, restrict the number of license plates available to big-city 
drivers, and recalibrate the economic-growth-at-all-costs criteria used 
to evaluate local officials. This year, Prime Minister Li Keqiang 
“declared war” on pollution in a speech to the national legislature.

But some local officials oppose policies they fear could close factories 
and eliminate jobs. They also prefer to deal with environmental problems 
their own way, if at all, which is why Mr. Wu ran into trouble with 
officials in Jiangsu, a relatively wealthy slice of coastal China that 
has prospered from its fecund, well-watered landscape but even more from 
industrial development, which has fouled the region’s rivers and canals.

Beginning in the mid-1990s, when he began noticing a sickly rainbow hue 
in the once-pristine creeks near his home, Mr. Wu began a campaign to 
name and shame polluting factories in Zhoutie. He collected water 
samples in plastic bottles, wrote letters to high-ranking environmental 
officials and invited television reporters to film how factories 
secretly discharged their wastewater at night.

In 2001, after local officials drained and dredged a canal that had been 
polluted by a dye plant in advance of an inspection tour from Beijing, 
Mr. Wu exposed their ruse — which included dumping carp into the canal 
and dispatching villagers with fishing rods to complete the Potemkin 
image of ecological recovery. In the years that followed, he became 
something of a media celebrity; in 2005, the National People’s Congress 
named him an “Environmental Warrior.”

Back in Yixing, which earns 80 percent of its tax revenue from local 
industry, officials were furious. In 2007, as he was preparing a lawsuit 
against the environmental bureau, Mr. Wu was arrested and charged with 
trying to blackmail a company in exchange for withholding accusations of 
wrongdoing. During his interrogation, Mr. Wu said, he was whipped with 
willow branches, burned with cigarettes and kept in solitary confinement 
with little to eat. “The abuse was more than I could take, so of course 
I signed the confession they had drawn up,” he later said.

Elizabeth Economy, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations 
and author of “The River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to 
China’s Future,” said environmental activists in China must walk a fine 
line, knowing when it is safe to push and when it is best to keep quiet. 
“Wu is a maverick, prone to say exactly what he thinks without 
considering the political consequences,” she said. “That is not the type 
of political participation that Beijing desires, even if he is right.”

That summer, shortly before he was put on trial, the industrial effluent 
flowing into Lake Tai from the 2,000 factories in the region reached a 
tipping point, prompting the algae bloom that forced officials in the 
nearby city of Wuxi to cut off water to two million residents.

Under the glare of a national spotlight, Jiangsu officials said they 
would spend more than $14 billion to clean up the lake and vowed to 
address the problem of toxic algae blooms within five years.

But the money, government researchers acknowledge, has had a negligible 
impact. According to the Lake Tai Basin Authority, 90 percent of water 
samples taken from the lake this summer were considered so toxic that 
contact with human skin was ill-advised. Wuxi, in the meantime, has 
found an alternative source for its drinking water.

In a recent interview with Xinhua Daily, Zhang Limin, deputy director of 
the Lake Tai Water Pollution Prevention Office, said the flood of 
contaminants had begun to level off, although it is still more than 
three times as much as the lake can absorb without killing most aquatic 
life.

Flushing the lake with water from the Yangtze River has improved water 
quality somewhat, though critics say it simply pushes pollution further 
downstream. These days, many polluters have built pipelines to 
centralized waste-treatment plants that are incapable of handling the 
flow. Others simply pipe waste directly into waterways through 
underground conduits that allow them to avoid detection.

But environmentalists say there is reason for hope. In April, the 
central government revised the nation’s environmental law for the first 
time since 1989, imposing steep fines on polluters and requiring 
companies to disclose pollution data. The regulations, which take effect 
in January, will also allow environmental groups to file public interest 
lawsuits against factories that break the law.

Mr. Ma, the environmentalist, said the new measures include important 
tools for cleaning up Lake Tai and other ailing bodies of water, but the 
key would be enforcement. “All it takes is the mayor or the head of a 
county saying, ‘You can’t touch this factory. It’s too important to the 
local economy,’ ” he said.

Mr. Wu said he was less hopeful, noting how little has changed in recent 
years despite intense pressure from Beijing and the billions of dollars 
spent. “A lot of that money ends up lining the pockets of local 
officials,” he said.

His outspokenness has taken a toll on his family, who have also been 
subjected to frequent harassment. Last year his daughter, Wu Yunlei, 
went to the United States on a tourist visa and promptly requested 
political asylum. “When I was younger, I didn’t understand what my 
father was doing and I was often angry about the trouble it caused us, 
but now I’ve come to appreciate it,” she said in an email.

Once content to focus on the environment, Mr. Wu now believes that 
healing his beloved lake requires more sweeping change. “If with all 
their wealth, the Communist Party can’t clean up this lake, it tells you 
the problem is much bigger,” he said. “I’ve come to realize the root of 
the problem is the system itself.”
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