NY Times, Dec. 10 2014
Senate Report Rejects Claim on Hunt for Bin Laden
By CHARLIE SAVAGE and JAMES RISEN

WASHINGTON — Months before the operation that killed Osama bin Laden in 
2011, the Central Intelligence Agency secretly prepared a 
public-relations plan that would stress that information gathered from 
its disputed interrogation program had played a critical role in the 
hunt. Starting the day after the raid, agency officials in classified 
briefings made that point to Congress.

But in page after page of previously classified evidence, the Senate 
Intelligence Committee report on C.I.A. torture, released Tuesday, 
rejects the notion that torturing detainees contributed to finding Bin 
Laden — a conclusion that was also strongly implied in “Zero Dark 
Thirty,” the popular 2012 movie about the hunt for the Qaeda leader.

“The vast majority of the intelligence” about the Qaeda courier who led 
the agency to Bin Laden “was originally acquired from sources unrelated 
to the C.I.A.'s detention and interrogation program, and the most 
accurate information acquired from a C.I.A. detainee was provided prior 
to the C.I.A. subjecting the detainee to the C.I.A.'s enhanced 
interrogation techniques,” the Senate report said.

On Tuesday, the C.I.A. disputed the committee’s portrayal that it had 
been misleading and disingenuous about the role of that program in the 
hunt for Bin Laden.

The crucial breakthrough in the hunt was the identification of the 
courier, known as Abu Ahmed al-Kuwaiti, who was the terrorist leader’s 
link to the outside world from his secret compound in Abbottabad, 
Pakistan. His significance gradually came into sharper focus.

But the Senate report shows that the C.I.A. was already actively 
collecting information about him earlier than was previously known and 
long before it had obtained any intelligence about him from detainees in 
its custody.

The United States had started wiretapping a phone number associated with 
Mr. Kuwaiti by late 2001, and as early as 2002, the C.I.A. had obtained 
from other sources — including reports from allies based on detainees in 
their custody — the courier’s alias and the fact that he was one of Bin 
Laden’s few close associates and “traveled frequently” to meet with him. 
It also had data on his age, physical appearance and family connections, 
as well as a recording of his voice — all of which proved crucial to 
finding him.

It was in 2004 that the C.I.A. came to realize that it should focus on 
finding Mr. Kuwaiti as part of the hunt for Bin Laden, after it 
interrogated a Qaeda operative, Hassan Ghul, who had been captured in 
Iraqi Kurdistan. The report concludes that Mr. Ghul provided “the most 
accurate” intelligence that the agency produced about Mr. Kuwaiti’s role 
and ties to Bin Laden.

But the report emphasizes that Mr. Ghul provided all the important 
information about the courier before he was subjected to any torture 
techniques and spoke freely to his interrogators. During that two-day 
period in January 2004, it said, the C.I.A. produced 21 intelligence 
reports from Mr. Ghul, who one officer said “sang like a tweetie bird.”

“He opened up right away and was cooperative from the outset,” the 
officer added.

In those initial interrogations, Mr. Ghul portrayed Mr. Kuwaiti as Bin 
Laden’s “closest assistant” and said he was always with him, identifying 
him as a likely courier who ran messages between Bin Laden and other 
leaders of Al Qaeda. He listed him as one of three people most likely to 
be with Bin Laden, who he speculated was living in a house in Pakistan, 
with Mr. Kuwaiti handling his needs.

Nevertheless, the C.I.A. then decided to torture Mr. Ghul to see if he 
would say more. He was transferred to a “black site” prison, where he 
was shaved, placed in a “hanging” stress position, and subjected to 59 
hours of sleep deprivation, after which he began hallucinating; his back 
and abdomen began spasming; his arms, legs and feet began experiencing 
“mild paralysis”; and he began having “premature” heart beats. During 
and after that treatment, he provided “no actionable threat information” 
that resulted in the capture of any leaders of Al Qaeda, the report said.

In its statement pushing back on the report, the C.I.A. insisted another 
detainee, Ammar Al Baluchi, had been “the first to reveal” Mr. Kuwaiti 
was a courier, after Mr. Baluchi’s arrest and subjection to enhanced 
interrogation techniques in May 2003.

But the Senate report shows that Mr. Baluchi’s claim was not recognized 
as a breakthrough, in part because he recanted what he had said under 
torture. The report also notes that to make its claim about the 
significance of Mr. Baluchi’s information, the agency “ignores” detailed 
information in its records from 2002, from several detainees in the 
custody of other governments, “suggesting al-Kuwaiti may have served as 
a courier” for Bin Laden.

The C.I.A.'s statement also said that Mr. Ghul had provided “more 
concrete and less speculative” information that Mr. Kuwaiti was a 
courier after Mr. Ghul was subjected to its “enhanced” interrogation 
techniques. The Senate report called the agency’s rebuttal “incorrect,” 
citing contemporaneous C.I.A. reports.

The C.I.A.'s records also show that detainees subjected to the torture 
techniques “provided fabricated, inconsistent and generally unreliable 
information” about the courier throughout their detention, the report said.

The C.I.A. countered that statements by two other detainees playing down 
the importance of Mr. Kuwaiti were significant corroboration that he was 
a secret worth protecting. The Senate report showed that the agency 
pressed both detainees about the courier in the summer of 2005 and 
thought both were lying.

But the Senate report suggested that the agency had already sharpened 
its focus on Mr. Kuwaiti by the time of those denials. On Sept. 1, 2005, 
an internal agency bulletin on the hunt for Bin Laden reported that the 
search for his couriers was going nowhere because detainees were being 
unhelpful, adding, “We nonetheless continue the hunt for Abu Ahmed 
al-Kuwaiti.”

Five and a half years later, in March 2011, the C.I.A.'s public affairs 
office prepared material for release after the operation, including 
developing “agreed upon language” that would emphasize “the critical 
nature of detainee reporting in identifying Bin Laden’s courier.”

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