Detroit: Ruin of a City - New Film just out

^^^^^^
CB: I hope this film is clear on exactly who,what class, ruined Detroit.


Detroit is Haiti: Unforgivably Black

In response to this NYT article, with respect to Detroit, I am very much
inclined to believe that the rebellion of 1967 had the impact of
crystalizing an economic blockade that had been developing for 15 years on
the city , a blockade by the bourgeoisie, something like that on Cuba.


There was the bullet and then the ballot, a la Malcolm X in reverse: The
rebellion and then the election of Coleman Young as Black mayor
extraordinaire. For this , and really for being 80% Black population,
Detroit is still under economic blockade punishment by the powers-that-be.
These were the culmination of a socioeconomic historical shift which was
marked by segregating of residence based on race through white flight to the
suburbs especially beginning in the 50's, escaping the move toward
integration represented in open housing law ( see Sugrue, _The Origins of
the Urban Crisis_: Coleman Young _Hardstuff_). It was also part of a
relative scattering of some main points of industrial production from a
concentration in the city of Detroit ( and Dearborn) to the surrounding
suburbs. It was a breaking up of the Arsenal of Democracy, which had many
leftwingers ,naturally. In a way, it seems to have been a shift of the
location of basic production from the midwest to the South, from the US to
other countries, in what gets termed postindustrialism, post-Fordism,
restructuring. The concentrated proletarian powerhouse was busted up; and
racially resegregated, on the typical American model, Black vs. white. 


The bourgeoisie cannot really undo what they have done. They are hoisted on
their own petard. Detroit is a pariah society in the national media. White
masses will not move back in, desegregate. The bourgeoisie will not invest
in an African town, like this, with so few white people to benefit. They
must blockade us like Cuba, or Haiti.


I take that back. They will find ways to invest "in" Detroit, but so that
most of the local population will not benefit. They will skate and exploit,
their forte.


So, the NYT has to have a cover story that poverty in Detroit today is due
to the rebellion of 1967, cause and effect, politicallyeconomically, QED.
Actually, it is. The bourgeoisie are still punishing the rebellion, among
other things. Perhaps, Postrel is making a confession.


Shields Green


D'Isle de Detroit


^^^^^^^


The New York Times

December 30, 2004

ECONOMIC SCENE

The Consequences of the 1960's Race Riots Come Into View By VIRGINIA POSTREL


AS an economic historian, Robert A. Margo has long wanted to study the
1960's. But, he says, "for the longest time people would say, 'That's too
close to the present.' "


Not so anymore. The 1960's are as distant from today as the Great Depression
was from the 1960's, and economic historians, including Professor Margo, of
Vanderbilt University, are examining the decade's long-term effects.


Consider the wave of race riots that swept the nation's cities. From

1964 to 1971, there were more than 750 riots, killing 228 people and
injuring 12,741 others. After more than 15,000 separate incidents of arson,
many black urban neighborhoods were in ruins.


As soon as the riots occurred, social scientists began collecting data and
analyzing the possible causes. Until recently, however, few scholars looked
at the riots' long-term economic consequences.


In two recent papers, Professor Margo and his Vanderbilt colleague, William
J. Collins, do just that by estimating the impact on incomes and employment
and on property values.


The riots not only destroyed many homes and businesses, resulting in about
$50 million in property damage in Detroit alone, but far more significantly,
they also depressed inner-city incomes and property values for decades.


(The papers, "The Labor Market Effects of the 1960's Riots" and "The
Economic Aftermath of the 1960's Riots: Evidence from Property Values,"

are available at www.vanderbilt.edu/Econ/wparchive/working03.html and

www.vanderbilt.edu/Econ/wparchive/working04.html.)


The economists start with sociologists' findings on the riots' causes:

whether a city had a riot was essentially unpredictable, assuming the city
was outside the South (where few riots occurred) and had a substantial
African-American population. The sociologists' research, Professor Margo
says, suggests that "there was so much racial tension in the air in the
1960's that a riot could happen almost anywhere, anytime."


That unpredictability is bad news for sociologists looking for causes but
good news for economists analyzing consequences. It creates a natural
experiment, dividing otherwise similar places into those that had riots and
those that did not.


In cities with major riots, the economists find that the median black family
income dropped by about 9 percent from 1960 to 1970, compared with similar
cities without severe riots. This impact on the labor market may have
actually been more severe in the long run.


>From 1960 to 1980, male employment in cities with severe riots dropped

four to seven percentage points, compared with otherwise similar cities.


The impact on property values is even more striking. In cities with severe
riots, Professors Collins and Margo found, the median value of black-owned
homes dropped 14 percent to 20 percent, compared with cities that
experienced little or no rioting, from 1960 to 1970. The median value of all
central-city homes, regardless of owner, dropped 6 percent, to 10 percent.


The racial difference is not surprising, because both riot damage and the
perceived risk of future riots were concentrated in predominately black
neighborhoods.


Again, these numbers reflect not just immediate property damage but
long-term declines. If it is more expensive or less desirable to live or
work in a particular neighborhood, property prices will drop.


"This effect," the economists write, "could work through any number of the
channels that feed into the net benefit stream: personal and property risk
might seem higher; insurance premiums might rise; taxes for redistribution
or more police and fire protection might increase, and municipal bonds may
be more difficult to place; retail outlets might close; businesses and
employment opportunities might relocate; friends and family might move away;
burned-out buildings might be an eyesore; and so on."


In a second statistical test, Professors Collins and Margo identify two
factors that separate cities with riots from those without riots:

whether the local government used a city manager (which lessened the chances
of a riot) and how much rain fell in April 1968, the month that Martin
Luther King Jr. was assassinated.


"If you have a lot of rain, people don't go out in the streets and riot,"
Professor Margo notes. So the same national event had different effects in
cities that were otherwise similar. Here, too, the two economists find that
cities without riots did significantly better economically over the long
run.


These results help address an important economic puzzle. Since World War II,
the incomes of black and white Americans have begun to converge. But racial
differences in wealth, or net worth, have remained enormous, even for people
with similar incomes and family configurations.


In 1998, the median income for African-American households was $20,000, or
54 percent of the median white household income of $37,000, according to
calculations by Edward N. Wolff of the Jerome Levy Economics Institute. But
the median net worth of black families was only $10,000, a mere 12 percent
of the median white net worth of $81,700.


Wealth reflects history as well as current economics. And while there are
many reasons for the wealth gap, it certainly does not help that the 1960's
riots destroyed much of the accumulated wealth of many of the most
prosperous African-Americans, those who had left the South for the greater
economic opportunity of industrial cities.


A home is the most important asset for most American families, and home
ownership is even more significant for African-Americans, who historically
have had held little wealth in financial securities or business equity.


In 1940, black-owned homes were worth only 37 percent as much as white-owned
homes, as against 62 percent in 1970 - still a significant gap, but a much
smaller one. From then on, however, the gap barely budges, with the ratio
reaching only 65 percent by 1990.


The riots help explain why. These numbers include all houses nationwide.

In inner cities, the trend actually reversed, and the gap in home value
began to widen instead of narrow.


>From 1940 to 1970, the value of homes owned and occupied by blacks in

central cities jumped to 69 percent of the value of urban homes owned and
occupied by whites, from 51 percent. (Home values were rising over this
period as well.) By 1990, however, the ratio was down to a mere 53 percent,
nearly as low as in 1940.


"That's a really startling number," Professor Margo says.


Virginia Postrel (www.dynamist.com <http://www.dynamist.com/> ) is [a
libertarian and] the author of "The Substance of Style: How the Rise of
Aesthetic Value Is Remaking Commerce, Culture and Consciousness," just
published in paperback by Perennial.





*       From: Brian McKenna 
PENers,

The University of Michigan-Dearborn, as part of the Chancellor’s Lecture
Series (Winter 2005) will present a showing of "Detroit: Ruin of a City"
on Thursday, April 7, 2005, from 4-6 p.m. in Lecture Hall B of the
Social Sciences Building. � Admission is free, and on a first-come basis.

Read Detroit Free Press piece on it (March 16, 2005) at:
http://humanities.uwe.ac.uk/bristoldocs/Detroit/Background.htm

The film is a documentary on the history of Detroit, focusing on
manufacturing, Fordism, labor organization, and race. � It was written,
produced and directed by Dr. George Steinmetz, Professor of Sociology,
University of Michigan, and Dr. Michael Chanan, Professor of Cultural
Studies, University of the West of England in Bristol. � A brief
"directors meet audience" session will be held after the film.

To learn more about the film and the film’s makers, visit the film's
website: � http://humanities.uwe.ac.uk/bristoldocs/Detroit.htm
<https://webmail.umd.umich.edu/util/go.php?url=http%3A%2F%2Fhumanities.uwe.a
c.uk%2Fbristoldocs%2FDetroit.htm&Horde=210a9d6de824724faaab4d3f88933e2d> 

Maps of campus and directions are at www.umd.umich.edu/about/campus.html

For more information about the event, please call Karen Holland at
313-593-5330.

Best,

Brian McKenna

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