Yoshie asks: >… What sort of political activity makes sense in this context? <

How about:
(1) movements for a living wage?
(2) movements to unionize maids and janitors?
(3) movements to defend immigrant rights?
(4) the effort to defend civil rights and civil liberties?
(5) the movement (partly by ACORN)  to rebuild New Orleans based on
community organization?
(6) think about it:  get out of the depressive depths of this decade's
dilemmas and look at _what's actually happening_.

Each of these is clearly defensive and/or reformist, but seems the
basis for a broader movement and even for structural reforms.

Yoshie. back then: >>> I basically wish to highlight the fact that the
entire theoretical debates on such question petered out (without
making judgment about this or that participant's theory in the
debates); and in a similar fashion, the Marxist/socialist feminist
debate on domestic labor faded. <<<

me, back then: >> could it be that the discussion of domestic labor
was (a) solved or (b) deemed to be unimportant? <<

Yoshie, more recently:> In this case, as in the other, the debate died
because the political context of the debate -- women's movement in
which left-wing women had a niche in this case -- disappeared. <

You totally ignore the possibility (that I posed and was reproduced
above) that the theoretical question of domestic labor has been
_solved_.  I think that discussions by Mike Lebowitz in his BEYOND
CAPITAL (both editions) of this question are pretty much the final
word.[*] Look also at Maxine Molyneux's discussion in her "Beyond the
Domestic Labor Debate" in the NEW LEFT REVIEW a few years ago (the
1970s?)

I agree that the key fact is not the death of the domestic labor
debate but the fact that the women's movement was beaten in many ways
(partly because of the over-emphasis on the ERA and mostly due to of
the New Right's efforts). Part of the problem is that for middle class
women, many of the feminist demands were actually _won_. (Look at all
the women in law these days, even in economics!)

Yoshie: >The domestic labor debate was actually not so much a debate
on domestic labor as one on gender and social reproduction.  Seen this
way, the question remains. <

Who said that the question _didn't_ remain? I didn't. It might be
solved in theory, but it hasn't been _in practice_, which is what's
important. (Middle- and upper-class women have solved this question in
practice for themselves (only) by hiring servants.)

Even if you look at socialist and social democratic countries,
care-giving labor is still mainly performed by women, at home or
through welfare-state institutions or both.  It is now also a question
of migrant labor, as the North ages rapidly, and women from the South
migrate here to take care of native-born children and old people and
staff many service-industry jobs that meet some of the needs of social
reproduction.  This aspect of the question was raised again recently,
for instance, by Barbara Ehrenreich in her well-received Nickel and
Dimed.<

the fact that that book was (almost?) a best-seller suggests that the
question remains. This book is also very practical in orientation.

And it should be also mentioned that remittances from those migrant women from the 
South are huge [along with those of the men, BTW], one of the major factors in 
sustaining economies of countries like the Philippines.  So, this question is 
actually linked to the question of imperialism, too, <

I thought you believed that theoretical questions concerning
imperialism were a distraction. I guess I was wrong. I'm totally
unclear about what you're arguing for (or against), Yoshie. Are you
anti-theoretical (lambasting leftist economists for being interested
in crisis theory and the like) or not?

On a separate note, one of the old demands of some feminists ...
involved in the old domestic labor debate, however, actually became a
reality in Venezuela: Article 88 of the Bolivarian Constitution states
that "The state recognizes work at home as an economic activity that
creates added value and produces social welfare and wealth.
Housewives are entitled to Social Security in accordance with law."
If the old debate had continued, this might have been one of the
issues that feminist women could have discussed. <

the last sentence should be "if the old [movement] had continued…" The
actual debate is secondary to the social movement.

me:>> for relatively limited questions such as the political economy
of  Iran, empiricism isn't all bad. You don't need much theory to
figure  out that the mullahs rule there and use oil revenues for their
own  benefit, allowing them to slowly (or in some cases rapidly) join
the capitalist class.<<

Yoshie:> But, if you had been watching Iran in the 1960s and 1970s,
would you  have said to yourself, "In Iran, it will be clerics who
will lead a  revolution to overthrow the Shah's regime"?  I doubt it.
<

first of all, my phrase was "empiricism isn't _all_ bad" (emphasis
added). That is NOT an advocacy of empiricism. I don't understand why
you didn't see that. Please read what I write rather than reading your
vision (or lack thereof) into it.

Back in 1979-80, if I remember co4rrectly, the people I hung out with
were saying that there were three ways that Iran could go. (1) the
Shah or his regime would be restored; (2) the mullahs would take
power; or (3) popular working-class organizations would take power.
This was based on empirical study. Theory told us that we couldn't
predict the future and that option (3) -- the one we supported -- was
the least likely.

Back in the late 1970s, it was clear that there was a clerical-led
mass movement going on, with people copying and distributing cassette
tapes of speeches by Ayatollah the K and his guys among the overseas
and domestic Iranian communities. The possibility of that movement
taking over was there. And the Marxian movement was (or should have
been) aware of previous "clerical fascist" movements (before and
during WW2).

(Sorry to use the f-word. It's in quotes, not attributable to me.)[**]

Clerics in Iran were a category of people Gramsci would have called "traditional  
intellectuals," the type that [all? -- did you do an opinion poll?] Marxists  tended to 
think would (in the event of social revolution) _follow_ either the bourgeoisie or the 
working class, rather than _lead and subordinate_ them, as they actually did in the Iranian 
Revolution.  Imposing theory without empirical studies doesn't help.<

Yes, that's why I advocated (a partial application of) empiricism
above. You confuse me, Yoshie, by first criticizing empiricism and
then doing a 180-degree turn and lambasting (someone unnamed's)
theory. (Not everyone on the Marxist left embraced Gramsci.) Having a
conversation with you is very confusing, Yoshie. It's hard to tell
what you're for or against. At the same time, you seem to criticize
strawMarxes again and again.

Anyway, NO theory should be "imposed." Any theory only helps us
understand what's going on (when it does that), by allowing us to
filter and prioritize information. Strictly speaking, any theory
consists of questions used for interrogating empirical reality. It
does not provide us with predigested answers. It is a total mistake to
confuse theory with dogma, as the dogmatists and the anti-theoretical
(empiricist) types do.

Further, ANY theory (even one in physics!) has to _evolve_ when faced
with new issues and facts (and new theoretical proposals).

It's unclear, Yoshie, whether you're criticizing theory in general or
some specific theory attributed to unknown authors. Please be clearer
about the point of your missives. I just hit the big 55 and sometimes
it feels like early-onset Alzheimer's has hit me. It's confusing.

Also, in today's Iran, do clerics all belong to the same class, the capitalist 
class in particular, or are clerics a professional category  whose members belong 
to different classes?  Some clerical members of Iran's power elite are obviously 
capitalists: Rafsanjani is the best example.  But are the rest?  Khomeini, for 
instance, had power, but was he involved in surplus value production as a 
capitalist?  If so, how?  What of Khamenei, and members of the Guardian Council 
and the Assembly of Experts today?  Do they just have power or do they also have a 
lot of personal wealth?  If the latter, how much?  Do they gain wealth as Soviet 
power elites did, through control of the state and  parastate instituttions, or as 
capitalists directly involved in production or finance?  What about clerics who do 
not have any positions of power in the state?  What class do they belong to?  We 
can't know these things without studying them.<

I guess, Yoshie, that the point of your contribution here is simply
that you have a bunch of burning questions that you want people (moi?)
to answer. It's not about criticizing empiricism or theory as much as
having a semi-random conversation about things that are on your mind.
I'll let someone who's an expert on Iran answer the above.

Crucially, I don't understand the assertion that >We can't know these
things without studying them.<

Since when have I or anyone else on pen-l been _against_ studying things???

BTW, I come from the political tradition of the late Hal Draper, who
did not impose the silly dichotomy of EITHER socialism OR capitalist
restoration on revolutions such as that of Iran. There's also state
capitalism (as in Algeria) and bureaucratic collectivism (as in the
old USSR) and other "modes of production." Samir Amin had a pretty
good list of possible modes of production. Crucially, there are mixed
forms, forms in transition, etc. within the concrete "social
formation" (to use French structuralist/Althusserian lingo).

Yoshie: > The same thing should be said about other societies in the
Middle  East.  What do class structures look like in the Gulf states,
Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Yemen, Sudan, Somalia,
Afghanistan, Pakistan, etc., etc.?

And how are their economies integrated into global economy respectively?

Is there a good theory of imperialism today, which is strongly focused on the 
Middle East, that takes into account solid empirical studies of  economies and 
class structures of these societies?  I have yet to find  one.<

I thought you dismissed leftist economists for being concerned with
questions of imperialism. I'd give you my theory of imperialism, but
you don't seem to be interested in what I say.

[*] It's the Marxist version of the New Testament, goddamnit! ;-)>

[**] The Sparts seemingly made a big effort to discredit the theory of
"clerical fascism" (as they did with most Marxian theory) by using
that term to slander the Polish Solidarity movement. However, there
were some aspects of Solidarnosc that reflected that tendency, just as
there were capitalist restorationist tendencies in that movement --
and socialist tendencies. As with any mass movement, it was a mixed
phenomenon, not some pure paragon of purity, some worldly
manifestation of some theoretician's vision.
--
Jim Devine / "The truth is more important than the facts." -- Frank Lloyd Wright

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