Counterpunch, April 30, 2007
Racaille, Religion and Repression
The Three Rs of "Sarko the American"

By DIANA JOHNSTONE

A related area in which Sarkozy is more American than French is religion.

Here the difference is profound, rooted in history. France is a nation that survived bloody religious wars between Catholics and Protestants, followed by Catholic reaction, followed by the enlightenment and social revolution. The result of a complex history has been to liberate both politics and--more profoundly--morality from attachment to religious belief. The United States offers space to all sorts of religious beliefs and practices. In contrast, France offers large, respectable space to people with no religious belief whatever. The major role accorded philosophy in the school system helps to separate moral and ethical considerations from religious tenets and enticements.

Sarkozy "the Hungarian-American" seems to understand none of this. Notably, he is foreign to any intellectual rigor, either for or against religion. He is in favor of religion not because it is true, but because it is useful especially for the underprivileged. In fact, it is not religion he favors, but a vague " religiosity" without intellectual foundations.

For Sarkozy, oblivious to theological complexities, "religion" boils down to "hope for survival after death", the "hope to have, after dying, a perspective of self-realization in eternity". By calling for "recognition of a universal right to hope", he transforms belief in life after death into a sort of "human right". (See Nicolas Sarkozy, La République, les religions, l'espérance, Le Cerf, Paris, 2006.)

It is a right French people have not been clamoring for. A 1992 poll showed that 62 per cent of French did not belief in an afterlife. This includes a good number of professed Christians.

But Sarkozy believes such a belief is good for people. Or to be more precise, he suggests that hope in an afterlife is good for people who don't have much to hope for in this one: "Throughout France, and above all in the banlieues where all sorts of despair are concentrated, it is altogether preferable that young people can have spiritual hope rather than to have in their heads, as sole 'religions', violence, drugs and money."

Parenthetical remark: Sarkozy has also said that in a "meritocracy", " merit" must be rewarded by a lot of money, "otherwise, what's the point?" Apparently, he can scarcely conceive of any motivation for doing a good job other than money. In his own milieu, that is. But for youth in the banlieues, a "religion of money" might lead to activities such as drug dealing. For them, it is better to place their hopes in an afterlife.

And any afterlife will do. He sees this "hope" as the common denominator of all religions, at least the monotheistic ones, and dismisses the details separating them. He recommends a religious education of young people stressing "the convergence of religious messages" around the "spiritual fact: there exists a life after death, a sole and unique God, a meaning to history, a possibility of redemption, a natural morality common to all civilisations with reference to an absolute".

Not averse to contradiction, Sarkozy also plays up to his conservative Catholic constituency by declaring his unflagging devotion to France's "2000 years of Christian heritage".

As Interior Minister, Sarkozy promoted the institutionalization of Islam in France with the establishment of the French Council of the Muslim religion. Islam is now the second largest religion in France and requires recognition. But beyond that, Sarkozy clearly wants a watered-down, luke-warm Islam to provide the banlieues with moral policing. He seems quite unaware of the risks inherent in implicitly turning social problems over to religious institutions--risks of dividing society along ethnic-religious lines and undermining the rationalist values which alone are able to offer a solid common ground to a diverse society.

"Pie in the sky when we die" seems to be the carrot of Sarkozy's "carrot and stick" approach to the social problems of ethnically mixed, depressed neighborhoods.

full: http://www.counterpunch.org/johnstone04302007.html

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