Let it not be, then, said that India's continuing tryst with
organized religiosity is owing exclusively to the ignorant need of
the impoverished masses for the proverbial opiate.  In a significant
historical reversal, in India it is the possessing and entrenched
classes that consume and propagate the opiate with far greater
political purpose than do the labouring.  Indeed, frequently, among
the latter responses to spurious and sickeningly opulent
demonstrations of godmen-led religiosity are simply and sharply
canny.  Invariably, they have no difficulty in identifying such
opulent establishments as just one other part of the power-structure
that wears them down.

full: http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=32&ItemID=12800

===

In other ways, too, the humanity of the workers is constantly
manifesting itself pleasantly. They have experienced hard times
themselves, and can therefore feel for those in trouble, whence they
are more approachable, friendlier, and less greedy for money, though
they need it far more than the property-holding class. For them money
is worth only what it will buy, whereas for the bourgeois it has an
especial inherent value, the value of a god, and makes the bourgeois
the mean, low money-grubber that he is. The working-man who knows
nothing of this feeling of reverence for money is therefore less
grasping than the bourgeois, whose whole activity is for the purpose
of gain, who sees in the accumulations of his money-bags the end and
aim of life. Hence the workman is much less prejudiced, has a clearer
eye for facts as they are than the bourgeois, and does not look at
everything through the spectacles of personal selfishness. His faulty
education saves him from religious prepossessions, he does not
understand religious questions, does not trouble himself about them,
knows nothing of the fanaticism that holds the bourgeoisie bound; and
if he chances to have any religion, he has it only in name, not even
in theory. Practically he lives for this world, and strives to make
himself at home in it. All the writers of the bourgeoisie are
unanimous on this point, that the workers are not religious, and do
not attend church. From the general statement are to be excepted the
Irish, a few elderly people, and the half-bourgeois, the overlookers,
foremen, and the like. But among the masses there prevails almost
universally a total indifference to religion, or at the utmost, some
trace of Deism too undeveloped to amount to more than mere words, or
a vague dread of the words infidel, atheist, etc. The clergy of all
sects is in very bad odour with the working-men, though the loss of
its influence is recent. At present, however, the mere cry: "He's a
parson!" is often enough to drive one of the clergy from the platform
of a public meeting. And like the rest of the conditions under which
he lives, his want of religious and other culture contributes to keep
the working-man more unconstrained, freer from inherited stab1e
tenets and cut-and- dried opinions, than the bourgeois who is
saturated with the class prejudices poured into him from his earliest
youth. There is nothing to be done with the bourgeois; he is
essentially conservative in however liberal a guise, his interest is
bound up with that of the property- holding class, he is dead to all
active movement; he is losing his position in the forefront of
England's historical development. The workers are taking his place,
in rightful claim first, then in fact.

Engels, Conditions of the Working Class in England
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/condition-working-clas
s/ch07.htm

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