Paul Phillips wrote:

I would argue, as suggested below,
that capitalism is not historically
viable in the long run because it
is dependent on growth.  Here, I
will quote Herman Daly at some length.

[...]

Sustainable development must be
development without growth -- but
with population control and wealth
redistribution -- if it is to be a
serious attack on poverty.  Before ...
sustainable development can get a
fair hearing, we must first take the
conceptual and political step of
abandoning the thought-stopping
slogan of sustainable growth."

[...]

My point to Julio, if capitalism is
dependent on growth and is therefore
unviable, where is its efficiency
even in your terms (which I do not
accept)?

I guess Paul is right.  His way of looking at the historical viability
of capitalism, growth, and efficiency is completely at odds with mine.
I will answer telegraphically and let the chips fall where they may.

The historical viability of a social structure (e.g. a set of
relations of production) cannot be determined against some universal,
given once and for all, absolute parameter.  Historical viability is,
well, historical.  It evolves.  A social structure that is viable
under certain conditions, may not be viable under different
conditions.  Ultimately, the historical viability of a social
structure resolves itself politically.  Ultimately, it's people in
historical contexts who determine with their actions whether a given
social structure is viable or not.

Re. growth: I don't think it is adequate to frame the struggle against
capitalism as "anti-growth." I can argue this, at least, on two
grounds.  One, as propaganda, it sucks.  Most of the direct producers
in the world live in poor countries.  And, for obvious reasons, the
idea of limiting or reducing their consumption standards is not a very
appealing vision of the future.  It is no accident that the
environmental movement is marginal in most poor countries.

(Using anti-growth speech in addressing the masses of toilers in most
parts of the world is tantamount to Bill Richardson addressing young
black students at Howard University telling them that the way to deal
with AIDS is "needles and condoms!" and "penetrating" the community
with better outreach programs.  "Needless? Penetrating who? Ouch!  No,
thanks.  Hillary, Obama, or even Kucinich sound more reassuring.")

Two, the "anti-growth" discourse doesn't amount to a serious critique
of capitalism.  It superficially criticizes capitalism, its outward
symptoms.  As far as I know, the diagnosis and prognosis are somewhat
arbitrary and incoherent.  Finally, this "anti-growth" discourse
doesn't even touch the main form of ideological rationalization
propping up capitalism and TINA -- i.e. economic theory!

I'll say a word about the latter, since this is PEN-L.  In economic
theory, growth is the expansion of *wealth* (goods) over time.  And
wealth is not necessarily tangible or "material" stuff.  Wealth is
whatever, in the context, produces wellbeing.  Therefore, growth
according to this view is *entirely compatible* with an economy where
people limit their demographic growth and produce less rather than
more "material" stuff.   Capital accumulation, as per the basic tenets
of economic theory, is not inconsistent with environmental
sustainability.  The tenets of the standard economic theory of
capitalism are not touched by this critique.

The kind of critique that *demolishes* the pillars of economic theory
and evaporates the TINA aura of capitalism states that the limit to
capitalism, is not inherent to production in general, but to specific
capitalist production.  That the inherent limit of capitalism is the
capital relation itself.  That the limits that make capitalism
historically not viable coincide with the very nature of the capital
relation, with its essential character, i.e. the limit on surplus
labor time imposed by the surplus value form, the limit on labor
imposed by the wage form (its subordination to dead labor), the limit
on human wealth imposed by the value form.

Struggling against capitalism (and its ideological cover) under the
notion that the ultimate limit of capital is not the environment, the
population, or technology, but *the capital relation* itself, is not
being pro-growth of stuff, it's being pro-growth of overall, universal
human wellbeing.  It's being in favor of the development of people as
human beings.  And it's the growth of people as human beings that
capitalism cannot ensure and, in fact, precludes.

This doesn't mean that the environment doesn't matter or that we
should be passive as the rulers manage it irresponsibly.  It doesn't
promise the masses a socialist economy that bites bigger and bigger
chunks of the planet only to vomit more and more mindless stuff.  It
is, in fact, a struggle in which the focus is on the development of
the direct producers as makers of their history through their
solidarity, collective unity, and struggle against capital (and
oppression) in all forms.

As Michael Lebowitz notes in the last chapters of his Beyond Capital,
the class struggle conceived this way includes many of the fragmented
fights we observe today that, ordinarily, people don't view as "class
struggles."  This view helps those fragmented struggles cohere.  I
don't see how one can envision the highly developed, conscious,
educated global productive force that will emerge out of these
struggles and revolutions as myopic in its interaction with nature.

(Favor: If you buy Michael's book as a result of reading this, please
let him know so that he can honor a commission deal he has with me.)

Re. efficiency: I already explained my views.

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