Sunday, July 01, 2007

IC Global Affairs

Some of us are launching a group blog, Informed Comment: Global Affairs.

Iran expert Farideh Farhi weighs in today on the gasoline station
protests in Iran and their real meaning. Many thanks to her for an
incisive posting!

The problem with keeping up a successful blog is that one has to do an
entry every day or readers forget to come back to you. I found this
out through early experiments at IC, where traffic fell off
dramatically if I missed days, even weekends. Most journalists,
analysts and academics don't have time to blog daily, and therefore
don't blog.

This outcome, of absence from the internet owing to being busy, is
undesirable, since we need more informed commentary in the
blogosphere, and serious analysts need to interact with the public if
our democracy is to be vital.

Some sites, such as Crooked Timber and Wampum, have solved this
problem by essentially forming a blogging cooperative. That way
something goes up every day, but no one person is always responsible
for it.

We'd like to experiment with this form. Readers are always asking for
a wider range of coverage at my site-- Afghanistan, Palestine/Israel
(as if I'm not in enough trouble), Pakistan, etc.

So I thought we'd test the waters with this form. The site is in its
infancy and I hope it will grow over time. I've got some agreements
from colleagues and hope to have more. It will also be open to guest
submissions, and to already-existing bloggers who want to go outside
the framework of their blogs, and to do a link-back.

posted by Juan Cole @ 7/01/2007 11:00:00 AM 0 comments


Gasoline Rationing Finally Comes to Iran
from Informed Comment Global
by Farideh Farhi

On the evening of June 26th, the government of Iran suddenly announced
that the long-awaited gasoline rationing (and the complementary price
increase from about 9 to11 cents per liter) will go into effect in
three hours. The sudden announcement created a mad rush for
non-rationed and still cheaper gasoline. It also led to sporadic
violence, the burning of several gas stations, and reportedly the
death of three people. In the morning after, before a gag rule was
apparently instituted by the government, all major Iranian newspapers
reported on the chaos, with cover story pictures, and the gas station
burnings were widely reported outside of Iran.

Proponents of economic sanctions against Iran immediately seized on
the events as either a sign of sanctions working or a clue about
Iran's vulnerabilities that can be seized upon in order to pressure
Iran further over its nuclear program. Both of these prognoses are off
the mark because, as is usually the case with most of the analyses of
Iran, the context of decisions or events are either ignored or, more
likely, simply not known. So here are a few points that should be
taken into account before any judgment is made about the impact of
gasoline rationing on the future of the Islamic Republic:

1. No matter what one thinks of the government/regime of Iran, the
need to bring under control energy subsidies and the runaway
consumption associated with subsidized prices (a malady of most oil
producing countries but particularly bad in Iran where population is
large and the price is the second lowest in the Middle East after
Libya) is something that has been discussed in the post-revolutionary
era for years (as early as 1994) and has been the number one "advice"
given to the Iranian government by various international agencies such
as the International Monetary Fund. In other words, with or without
sanctions or threat of sanctions this has been a "burning" issue for
years. The need to confront it was in fact an integral part of
post-revolutionary Iran's Fourth Five-Year Plan (2005-2009) approved
by the administration of the previous president Mohammad Khatami.

2. Various Iranian governments have been hesitant to deal with the
issue because of the fear of social and economic consequences. And
this fear is not a post-revolutionary phenomenon. Some of us are old
enough, even if barely, to remember the decision by the administration
of Hassan-Ali Mansour, a prime minister during Shah's rule, to raise
gasoline prices in 1964 - a decision that was reversed after protests
and strikes by taxi drivers. Khatami's government made a half-hearted
attempt to deal with the issue by coming up with a somewhat reasonable
and politically feasible schedule of gradual but moderate price
increases on a yearly basis. The price was gradually raised to 80
toumans per liter (or about 36 cents per gallon which in today's
prices is about one-sixth of the cost of imported gasoline) but three
years ago the newly elected conservative parliament (Majles), in a fit
of gratuitous populism and against the directives of the Fourth Plan,
prevented the scheduled 25 percent price increase at the outset of the
Iranian New Year (March 21st). It froze the price, calling the move,
in the words of the powerful conservative deputy, Ahmad Tavakoli, "a
New Year's gift to the Iranian people." The gradual price increases
would not have solved Iran's subsidy or gasoline problems but would
have lessened them.

3. The wrong-headed policies of the Seventh Majles became obvious
rather soon and both the Majles and Ahmadinejad, who was elected after
the conservative-controlled Majles' decision and had nothing to do
with the price freeze, have been trying to deal with the problem of
higher chunks of the yearly budget devoted to subsidizing the Iranian
population's need or appetite for the gasoline. Last year,
Ahmadinejad's government was almost refused his supplementary budget
precisely because of his requested funds for imports and was also
severely criticized for dipping into the Oil Stabilization Fund (a
fund created by Khatami's government from oil money set aside for
investment or for periods of low oil prices) in order to pay for
current expenses. Several options were contemplated throughout last
summer (from rationing to a number of alternative price hikes or
having a two-tiered pricing system) and the "smart card" system,
consisting of cards with information about every car and motorcycle
owner and their ration readable at every pump in the country, was
supposed to come online as early as last fall. Obviously Ahmadinejad's
populist government, which had promised to bring the "oil money to
people's dinner tables" was not ready to deal with the consequences
and the confrontation between his administration and the Majles, which
by now had finally mandated a rationing system, over the
implementation of rationing became so intense that the Majles speaker,
Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, wrote a letter to the supreme leader Ali
Khamenei in early June (as though the supreme leader does not
interfere in the daily decisions of the government enough!) and
requested his advice. His advice? Ration but give the government
enough room to set its own pace of implementation! In a week
Ahmadinejad decided to take a deep breath and jump.

4. So the issue in Iran has not been whether something needs to be
done because of Security Council sanctions or increasing economic
squeeze of Western countries but how to develop the political nerve to
do something that needs to be done in order to have a healthy economy
and manageable budget; how to pull off a relatively orderly
implementation; and how to confront the consequences. Indeed, last
week when Kamal Daneshyar, the head of Majles' Energy Committee, was
told of the possibility of legislation in the US congress banning
gasoline exports to Iran, he said gladly: "I hope they do it for us
and legislate what we cannot legislate ourselves!" If one takes
Daneshyar's comments seriously, one may deduce that threat of gasoline
sanctions (or any other sanctions) is pushing the government of Iran
become more "responsible," more intent on cutting economy-breaking
imports and subsidies, and more intent on counteracting, rather than
giving in to, the "levers of pressure" external players may have over
Iran regarding its nuclear program.

5. This is perhaps why none of the significant political players in
Iran and newspaper editorials (including reformist Etemad-e Melli,
Ham-mihan, and Shargh) are questioning the effort to do something
about the problem (although some would have definitely preferred price
increases over rationing, complemented with targeted - even direct
cash subsidies - for the poor). What is criticized is the hurried
implementation, lack of knowledge on the part of NAJA (acronym for the
Security Forces of the Islamic Republic which unlike what the name
implies is essentially the police force) about the timing of rationing
and so on as yet another example of Ahmadinejad government's
incompetence. Despite the gag rule on reporting about the
disturbances, there is also continued discussion about what the next
step should be after the initial shock, with reformist and centrist
newspapers pushing for adjustments and complementary price increases.

6. Indeed much is yet to be determined and there is no doubt that
there will be adjustments (including critical price adjustments) if
indeed the plan can withstand the public reaction. But one hopes that
the smart card system of rationing will have at least one benefit:
determining exactly what Iran's level of consumption is! The figures
usually talked about are not really consumption figures; they are
domestic production plus imports figures and hidden within them are a
significant amount of smuggling to neighboring countries because of
higher prices next door (the price of one gallon of gas in Turkey, for
instance, is $4.85 per gallon). If the editorial in Thursday's Kayhan
is to be taken seriously (and I am skeptical about the figure since
this conservative paper is known for making up facts), gasoline
consumption in Iran had risen to an astounding 85 million liters a
day. This is a 13-15 million liter increase from last summer figures
of about 70 to 72 million per day and this 20 percent increase
undoubtedly suggests not only a rise in consumption but also
smuggling. The rationing system will not take care of the black
market, and will in fact enhance it at the level of individual
entrepreneurs, but will bring down the numbers within which smuggling
can occur. Ahmadinejad is already claiming that the numbers have gone
down from 80 to 70 million a day in a few days and the plan is to
bring it down to 60 million liters per day in a short period). Whether
this will happen or whether the rationing will take care of the
reported organized smuggling done by various government institutions
is of course yet to be seen.

7. We also have to wait and see whether the attempted adjustments on
the supply side will bear fruit. Iran has been planning for extra
refining capacity (by adding to the capacity of the already existing 9
crude oil refineries) for a couple of years. Work on refineries in
Arak and Bandar Abbas are well under way with the help of CNPC,
China's biggest oil company, and PetroChina. These projects are not in
need of international financing and are hence not subject to external
economic pressures. According to Fereidun Fesharaki, a Honolulu-based
energy consultant and a close observer of the Iranian energy market,
the lack synchrony between supply and demand should be resolved by
2010 or 2011. If anything, Fesharaki believes that Iran has been
"over-investing" in increasing its refinery capacity not for economic
reasons but in order to counteract precisely the kind of economic
pressures it is being threatened with.

8. Before domestic supply meets demand, however, Ahmadinejad and his
hard-line allies in the parliament may indeed have to pay for
rationing and hike in gasoline price politically unless they can
figure out a way to contain inflationary pressures and the social
distress associated with the reduction of government subsidies. But,
if they pay, they will do so within the context of the country's
competitive elite system and electoral politics. After much debate and
controversy, parliamentary elections are set for March 2008 and
despite expected disqualification of reformist and even centrist
candidates, all significant political factions/parties are taking the
elections very seriously and are planning to field a sufficiently
large and diverse slate of candidates to counteract the possibility of
widespread disqualifications. By taking a step that was delayed or
feared for so many years less than 9 months before crucial elections,
Iran has yet again entered another year of interesting politics. Stay
tuned!

<http://icga.blogspot.com/2007/07/gasoline-rationing-finally-comes-to.html>

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