Wired magazine has an interesting article on "How Technology Almost
Lost the War: In Iraq, the Critical Networks Are Social — Not
Electronic". "Network centric warfare" is not merely a catch-phrase -
it appears that it is a systematic project undertaken by the DoD.
There is quite a substantial literature even in the public domain on
it and there is even an acronym (NCW); a good bibliography is here:
http://www.comw.org/rma/fulltext/netcentwar.html

The article traces the beginnings to a 1998 paper in Proceedings of
the Naval Institute titled "Network-Centric Warfare: Its Origin and
Future". Unfortunately the original paper does not appear to be
available online.


http://www.wired.com/politics/security/magazine/15-12/ff_futurewar?currentPage=all
-------------------------------------------snip
The Defense Department wasn't blind to the power of networks, of
course — the Internet began as a military project, after all, and each
branch of the armed services had ongoing "digitization" programs. But
no one had ever crystallized what the information age might offer the
Pentagon quite like Cebrowski and Garstka did. In an article for the
January 1998 issue of the naval journal Proceedings, "Network-Centric
Warfare: Its Origin and Future," they not only named the philosophy
but laid out a new direction for how the US would think about war.

Their model was Wal-Mart. Here was a sprawling, bureaucratic monster
of an organization — sound familiar? — that still managed to
automatically order a new lightbulb every time it sold one. Warehouses
were networked, but so were individual cash registers..........

The US military could use battlefield sensors to swiftly identify
targets and bomb them. Tens of thousands of warfighters would act as a
single, self-aware, coordinated organism. Better communications would
let troops act swiftly and with accurate intelligence, skirting creaky
hierarchies. It'd be "a revolution in military affairs unlike any seen
since the Napoleonic Age," they wrote. And it wouldn't take hundreds
of thousands of troops to get a job done — that kind of "massing of
forces" would be replaced by information management. "For nearly 200
years, the tools and tactics of how we fight have evolved," the pair
wrote. "Now, fundamental changes are affecting the very character of
war."

Network-centric wars would be more moral, too. Cebrowski later argued
that network-enabled armies kill more of the right people quicker.
With fewer civilian casualties, warfare would be more ethical. And as
a result, the US could use military might to create free societies
without being accused of imperialist arrogance...............

And yet, here we are. The American military is still mired in Iraq.
It's still stuck in Afghanistan, battling a resurgent Taliban.
Rumsfeld has been forced out of the Pentagon. Dan Halutz, the Israeli
Defense Forces chief of general staff and net-centric advocate who led
the largely unsuccessful war in Lebanon in 2006, has been fired, too.
In the past six years, the world's most technologically sophisticated
militaries have gone up against three seemingly primitive foes — and
haven't won once.

How could this be? The network-centric approach had worked pretty much
as advertised. Even the theory's many critics admit net-centric combat
helped make an already imposing American military even more effective
at locating and killing its foes. The regimes of Saddam Hussein and
Mullah Omar were broken almost instantly. But network-centric warfare,
with its emphasis on fewer, faster-moving troops, turned out to be
just about the last thing the US military needed when it came time to
rebuild Iraq and Afghanistan. A small, wired force leaves generals
with too few nodes on the military network to secure the peace. There
aren't enough troops to go out and find informants, build barricades,
rebuild a sewage treatment plant, and patrol a marketplace.

For the first three years of the Iraq insurgency, American troops
largely retreated to their fortified bases, pushed out woefully
undertrained local units to do the fighting, and watched the results
on feeds from spy drones flying overhead. Retired major general Robert
Scales summed up the problem to Congress by way of a complaint from
one division commander: "If I know where the enemy is, I can kill it.
My problem is I can't connect with the local population." How could
he? For far too many units, the war had been turned into a
telecommute. Afghanistan, Iraq, and Lebanon were the first conflicts
planned, launched, and executed with networked technologies and a
networked ideology. They were supposed to be the wars of the future.
And the future lost.

Inside the Pentagon, the term network-centric warfare is out of
fashion, yet countless generals and admirals still adhere to its core
principles. On the streets of Iraq, though, troops are learning to
grapple with the guerrilla threat. And that means fighting in a way
that couldn't be more different from the one Donald Rumsfeld embraced.
The failures of wired combat are forcing troops to improvise a new,
socially networked kind of war.

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