-----Urspr�ngliche Nachricht----- Von: KdP Net <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> An: [EMAIL PROTECTED] <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Datum: Dienstag, 9. M�rz 1999 23:24 Betreff: [kdpnet-en] KdP: Albright Jakarta Speech: "Indonesia, the United States and Democracy" >Kabar dari PIJAR > > >From: Foreign Bases Project [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] >Sent: Minggu, 07 Maret 1999 2:17 >Subject: USGOV: Albright Jakarta Speech: "Indonesia, the United States and > > >Address on "Indonesia, the United States and Democracy," Jakarta, Indonesia > >Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright >Remarks at Borobudur Intercontinental Hotel >Jakarta, Indonesia, March 5, 1999 >As released by the Office of the Spokesman >U.S. Department of State > > >As Delivered > >"Indonesia, the United States and Democracy" > >Thank you very, very much, Ambassador Roy, for that introduction. And thank >you for the really splendid >representation you and your team provide the United States here in >Indonesia. > >It is a sign of the value we attach to our relations with Indonesia that >President Clinton asked you -- one of our >ablest and most experienced diplomats -- to serve here. And there is no >question that your counsel and hard work >have benefited both our countries. > >Distinguished leaders, representatives of business and civil society, >colleagues and friends, good afternoon, and >thank you all very much for coming. > >Since arriving in Jakarta yesterday, I have participated in a wide-ranging >series of meetings. I have found those >both productive and instructive. And I appreciate the hospitality with >which I have been received during this, the >50th anniversary year of relations between our two countries. > >But I am especially pleased to have a chance to speak to this diverse >audience this afternoon. And the subject I >would like to discuss is "Indonesia, the United States and Democracy." > >As some of you may know, before I became a diplomat, I was a professor. And >in my former life, I used to ask >my students to put aside the map we customarily use in the United States >which shows North and South America >as the center of the world. Instead, I would turn the globe to Asia, and >make the point that -- to most people on >Earth -- this, Asia, is the center of the world. > >One of the great challenges of our times has been to bridge the gap between >these two perceptions by promoting >better understanding across the Pacific. And few aspects of this challenge >will mean more to the 21st Century than >fostering close and cooperative relations between the United States and >Indonesia. > >When I am asked by audiences in my own country about the significance of >events here in Indonesia, I begin by >pointing to the obvious: your large population; your strategic location; >the wealth of your resources; the beauty of >your environment; and the breathtaking richness of your many cultures. > >I go on to mention Indonesia's global role as co-founder of the non-aligned >movement, a member of OPEC, and a >respected participant in the OIC, as the nation with the most followers of >the Islamic faith and a vibrant center of >Islamic thought. This strikes a responsive chord in the United States, >where Islam is our fastest growing religion >and is already practiced by millions of our citizens. > >I also emphasize Indonesia's role as a regional leader; a driving force >behind ASEAN; the founder of the ASEAN >Regional Forum; a major player in APEC; and historically a model of >tolerance, of "unity in diversity," or as your >national motto says: "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika." > >This, too, strikes a responsive chord in my country because America's motto >is similar: "e pluribus unum," which, >before you get out your dictionaries, is Latin, not English, and means "out >of many, one." > >This similarity in mottoes reflects the parallel origins of our own two >countries. Both were born in a struggle for >independence against colonial rule. Both had visionary leaders who united a >diverse population over a vast area. >And both were founded on a commitment to freedom. > >Fifty years ago, in the wake of the Hague Conference affirming the full >sovereignty of the United States of >Indonesia, America's representatives to the United Nations said: "We have >only to consider the difficulties which >often attend the struggle of a people for independence to be struck with >the restraint and maturity of judgment >which the Indonesians have exhibited." > >Restraint and maturity of judgment are hard qualities to come by in the >best of times. And they are especially rare >when most needed, which is during periods of turbulence and uncertainty. >But they are crucial to the hard work of >building a democracy. And I think you would agree they are as vital in 1999 >as they were in 1949. > >The past eighteen months have been, for many Indonesians, a time of living >bravely. Most have responded with >courage and steadiness to a whirlwind of change. > >In this period, you have been buffeted by the shock of financial crisis; by >demonstrations and riots; and by the >outbreak of violence in several provinces. Your response has included a >change in leadership; the enactment of >new political laws; the scheduling of elections; and the adoption of a >fresh approach to East Timor. These events >and more have commanded the world's attention and profoundly altered >Indonesia's course. > >I have looked forward to visiting your country because I knew it would >allow me to meet the people who will be >long remembered for choices made and actions taken now and in the months >immediately ahead. > >For Indonesia has the chance for a new birth in freedom; and you have the >opportunity to create, in a distinct >Indonesian way, not a partial democracy or a sham democracy; but a real >democracy. > >You will be thanked by your children and by your children's children if you >are able to seize this opportunity -- if >you are able to create a society in which decisions about national policy >are made at the ballot box and through >public debate, not behind closed doors or by a handful of privileged men. > >Since last May, your friends in the region and in the United States have >watched closely as you have begun to >travel up this hope-filled road. In that time, you have reinvigorated >institutions that had been suppressed for too >long. > >You now have a Parliament that debates real issues and enacts laws that >matter; a press that is vigorous and free; >opposition political parties that are independent and serious; labor unions >that are active; and on June 7, for the >first time in 44 years, you will conduct elections, the results of which >are not known in advance. > >I think you will agree that, if political stability is to be assured and >the economy revived, it is essential that the >elections be credible, fair and free. These qualities are easy to list, but >not so easy to make real. And while the >electoral process has gotten off to a good start, much work remains to be >done. > >Of course, the United States does not support any particular candidate in >the election. But we do support the >process. > >With new rules, new parties and a new electoral system, there will be many >technical problems to overcome >between now and June. These include the establishment of a neutral and >effective election commission, massive >voter education, and the training of hundreds of thousands of poll-workers >and election observers. > >But there are larger challenges, as well. For nothing is more vital than >preserving peace during the election >campaign, so that candidates feel free to express themselves and citizens >may vote without fear. And nothing is >more central to the integrity of the process than preventing "money >politics" from having a corrosive influence on >any aspect of the election. (Applause.) > >These are issues for Indonesians, both in and outside of government, to >work out. For this is an election by and for >Indonesia. > >But the international community can help. A vast body of knowledge has been >accumulated in recent years about >how to conduct free and fair elections. Some of the best international >non-governmental organizations have been >welcomed under Indonesia's agreement with the United Nations and are hard >at work providing technical >assistance. > >The winners in June and the president selected at the end of the year will >face an array of challenges. The >responsibilities of leadership are many. But those who do not win will also >have a responsibility. > >During the 1980s, I became something of an expert on losing elections. >(Laughter.) My party was defeated three >consecutive times. I lost my job. I began to think I wouldn't live long >enough to have a second chance at >government service. But times change and so do minds. New leaders come >forward. So every election participant >should take heart. Today's losers may become winners tomorrow. > >And if democracy is to flourish, both the leaders and the opposition must >participate in government constructively, >settle differences honorably, and place the best interests of the people >first. > >I know that, in Indonesia, there are key and controversial issues that go >back to the time of independence. These >include the powers of the President and Parliament; the relationship of the >armed forces to the political life of the >nation; and the allocation of responsibility between the central government >and the regions. The advantage of a >democratic system is that it creates the means for addressing such issues >peacefully and in ways that reflect the >popular will. > >Of course, elections are not an end but a means. They can put into office a >government that has legitimacy and >commands public confidence. But if the government is to retain that >confidence, it must act in a manner that >strengthens the full range of democratic institutions. And it must produce >results. > >This will not be easy. I don't need to tell you that Indonesia was dealt an >economic body blow by the financial >crisis. It was like a wrecking ball to your expectations and dreams. Three >decades of sustained growth came to an >abrupt end. Unemployment skyrocketed. And millions of people fell back into >poverty through no fault of their >own. > >I am told there is an old adage that even if the heavens were to crash >down, there is a hole through which to rise >up. And even if taken in a tiger's teeth, there is a way to survive. > >Indonesia has emerged from crises before. And because it is choosing the >democratic path and beginning to face >problems squarely, it has the potential to become stronger, more prosperous >and free than it has ever been. >Unfortunately, there is no specially marked button you can push that will >bring you overnight into the new dawn >that Indonesians seek and deserve. The process of recovery is a climb taken >not by elevator, but by stairs. > >Progress has already been made in stabilizing the economy, addressing >humanitarian needs, and introducing >structural reforms. But hard problems such as bank and corporate >restructuring and the settlement of debts are still >being faced. > >To move ahead, the commitment to open markets and free and fair competition >must be reinforced. And the >struggle to ensure good governance, enhance transparency, and expose >corruption must intensify. > >Indonesia's future is in your hands. But just as responsibility for the >financial crisis must be widely shared, so the >process of recovery must be a multinational enterprise. > >As Indonesia proceeds with reforms at home, the United States is striving >with allies and friends, and with the >international financial institutions, to create a healthier climate for >recovery. We have also expanded dramatically >our bilateral assistance. Since the fall of 1997, we have provided more >than $300 million for purposes ranging >from economic reform to meeting urgent humanitarian needs. > >A second set of challenges for your leaders and for all Indonesians will be >to strengthen the rule of law, so that >citizens will have confidence that their security will be protected and >their rights respected. > >This is a challenge that all societies must face and that none, including >the United States, ever achieves perfection. >It requires legal systems that are efficient and courts that are >independent and fair. It requires that the rights of all >be protected regardless of ethnic, religious or cultural background. And it >requires that those who enforce the law >also observe the law. > >When these requirements are not sufficiently met, the rule of law breaks >down, people lose confidence in their >government, and the Pandora's box of violence is opened. Today, in >Indonesia, as we've seen so recently and >tragically in Ambon, violence is the enemy of democracy, security and >prosperity. > >That is true whether the violence in question is motivated by criminal >greed, religious or ethnic rivalry, the yearning >for political change, or the desire to preserve privilege and prevent >political change. In each of these cases, >violence rips at the social fabric, instills fear and intolerance, disrupts >economic activity and hinders rational debate. > >As I discussed with Indonesian officials earlier today, in any country >there is a burden on the military and police to >preserve stability without engaging in human rights abuses that serve, over >time, to provoke new instability. This >can be difficult, but -- especially during the run-up to the elections -- >it is absolutely essential to be done. Like >others who live in democracy, Indonesians have a right to expect security >from violence, and a right to security >institutions that serve no interests but those of the people. > > >
