Hmmm.....terbongkar deh kartunya Megawati kalau dia tuh dalam benaknya mau ngangkat hajat hidup orang2 kecil yg saat ini menjadi mayoritas di Indonesia walau untuk itu dia harus berhadapan dengan IMF. Tapi gue mah yakin dah IMF ngga akan berani menentang kebijakannya yg berpihak pada rakyat kecil. Tampaknya, keberpihakannya pada rakyat kecil yg menjadikan dia dicintai dan disukai bahkan didukung oleh mayoritas rakyat kecil dan sebagian para ilmuwan yg juga punya orientasi membela kelompok yg selama ini kurang diberuntungkan, rakyat kecil. Akankah dia kelak menjadi presiden Indonesia periode 1999-2004? Tampaknya masih harus melewati tahap2 berikut. Mudah2an para wakil rakyat yg duduk di MPR/DPR nanti mau mendengarkan keinginan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia (kalau memang kelak PDIP sebagai pengumpul suara terbanyak) yg tampaknya telah siap memiliki presiden seorang Megawati dengan mencoblos PDIP pada pemilu lalu. Paling tidak, pengumpulan suara menunjukkan hal demikian. Selamat membaca. jabat erat, Irwan Ariston Napitupulu ------------- http://www.businessweek.com/bwdaily/dnflash/june1999/nf90609h.htm?scriptFramed Indonesia's Megawati: Getting "People to Believe in Their Government" In a post-election Q&A, the opposition leader talks about the country's -- and her -- future Indonesian opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle, gave her first post-election interview, four hours after polls closed on June 7, to Business Week Singapore Bureau Chief Michael Shari at her home in South Jakarta. Exhausted after six months of nonstop nationwide campaigning, she discussed her economic policy platform and the two economists in her braintrust, Kwik Kian Gie and Laksamana Sukardi. Here are edited excerpts of their conversation: Q: Do you see yourself as populist or pro-globalization? A: Look, the world is changing. So the rich countries also must understand if they just want to keep their own position, it will not satisfy anybody because half of the people in the world are suffering. [These people] need help. They need rich countries to support them. Q: You have promised to abide by the terms set by the IMF, but your supporters in the streets expect you to nationalize ethnic Chinese-run conglomerates and redistribute their assets among the poor. Why do they think this? A: Oh, of course, it doesn't mean that all the people think that. You're grabbing pedestrians, but they're very simple people. But what I mean is, the economy of Indonesia can give the people strength to have the dignity to support their own livelihoods. But of course, the IMF is already here. I cannot deny that fact. But I'll suggest to the IMF even though there's an agreement that they also must know that every agreement can be rescheduled. So it means that if the IMF is trying to help Indonesia by their own volition, it means also that they should help the people. So the main point is how to give the people the strength for their own livelihoods. Q: But do you get the feeling that if you do become President of Indonesia and you do start to implement your own policy, you might run into a conflict between trying to satisfy the poor and the IMF at the same time? A: I think both of them don't conflict. I am confident about this. The first priority is how to get the people to believe in their government. That is the main problem and the main priority. And then after that, give the IMF a chance to solve the problems of the people of Indonesia. Because if there's [such] a conflict, I guarantee there's no stabilization here. So that's why we must make a good solution to make the people and the international community, via the investors, via the traders, understand they can also have their business here, but of course to give the Indonesian people economic strength. Because if we just continue as we are now, only just a small group will have a chance to have a big business, while around them the people are suffering and hungry. This will happen. Q: Who are Kwik Kian Gie and Laksamana Sukardi, and how do they serve you? A: Like all my board members, they're also my advisers. Of course, they're not my formal advisers [their formal titles are executive vice-president and treasurer, respectively]. You know, if I make a decision I must discuss it directly with my board. Some of them are economists, some of them are lawyers, some of them are intellectuals in [the field of] education. I also have a research and development department.... I can use it [their advice] or not use it.... I knew them before I was elected chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P). They were already members of PDI-P. Q: But if you disagree with them on economic policy, could you fire them and bring in new advisers? A: I think that's not my kind of policy because I'm trying to make more people to give their views, to give their vision, and compound them to be a solution to fix the Indonesian economy. Because you know PDI-P is an open party. That means everybody can join the party. Q: From what I've heard, your party got a very strong vote today. I've heard more than 50% in Jakarta? A: I think more than that, but O.K. (laughter). Q: The issue now is, even if you do very well in the election for the House of Representatives, what happens in the presidential election? What's your strategy? A: This is just the first step. After that, of course, I still have my own strategy for the next step. Q: And you can't tell me what it is? A: No (laughter). Do me a favor so I can take this first step. Q: It just seems that Golkar has so much money. A: Oh, they have a lo-o-ot. Q: There are reports that Golkar's strategy in the presidential election is simply to buy parliament members to vote for Habibie. A: I don't mind. For me, the Functional Group [the official translation of Golkar, which is an Indonesian acronym] is the past. They think it's so easy to buy the people. But I don't think so because it will be very transparent, very clear, if for example some of the PDI-P vote for another [party's] candidate. They would be traitors. Because as a presidential candidate, it's not my own will. The party chose me to be a presidential candidate. It means all the members of PDI-P, including members of parliament, have the duty to make their candidate to the President of Indonesia. So if they choose for example Habibie or another candidate, it means they are traitors. Because that's the duty of members of parliament. Q: How can you fight this kind of strategy? A: Please, that's the next step. I doubt if Habibie has very strong support from within Golkar. Q: Do you think it's possible that some Golkar members might vote for you as President? A: Yes, why not? Q: If you don't become the next President of Indonesia, are you prepared to be a strong opposition leader from the back benches of parliament? A: You know my experience, [from before] I was elected chairperson of PDI-P. They always put me on the wrong side of Indonesian politics. It could happen again, but I don't think so. Because you must understand that the people now need somebody to lead this country. And from the election if the presentation of PDI-P is more than 40%, you can understand it's the people's will to change the system. ---------------------
