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From: "Sulis'tp" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Sent: Friday, August 23, 2002 9:32 PM
Subject: [e90ftui] DtE: ExxonMobil Plays "Terrorist" Card in Aceh Case


 From: http://www.indonesiaone.net/news
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 Down to Earth Newsletter
 No. 53-54 / August 2002

 ExxonMobil plays "terrorist" card in Aceh case

 The world's biggest oil company is fighting a human rights lawsuit by
 claiming that the case will upset US relations with Indonesia.

 Exxon described Indonesia as "a place where al-Quaeda-trained fighters are
 residing" at an April hearing of International Labor Rights Fund's lawsuit
 against the company. The ILRF suit was filed last June on behalf of eleven
 unnamed Acehnese plaintiffs who had suffered gross violations of human
rights
 at the hands of military guards at Exxon's gas operations in North Aceh.

 The company has successfully lobbied the Washington district court judge
 hearing the case to ask for advice from the US State Department. The judge
 asked the State Department to provide an opinion - expected early August -
on
 whether proceeding with the case would influence US-Indonesia relations.
 Exxon argues that the suit would have an influence because the judge "would
 be forced to judge the conduct of the Indonesian government, an ally with
 whom America's relationship has never been more important, in order to
 determine whether the allegations in this complaint are those of murder or
 legitimate warfare against fundamentalist insurgents trying to break a
 country apart by bombings and other terrorist activities."

 These arguments are a deliberate use of the same kind of emotive language
as
 is being used to justify the US's 'war on terrorism'. It is an attempt to
 divert attention from the real substance of the ILRF case which has nothing
 to do with international terrorism, but concerns human rights violations
 including rape, torture and the murder of unarmed civilians living near
 ExxonMobil's operations (see DTE 50 for more on the case or read the full
 complaint on ILRF's website at http://www.laborrights.org/.)

 In June sixteen members of Congress and 2 senators sent letters to the
State
 Department warning that an intervention "would send precisely the wrong
 message: that the United States support the climate of impunity for
 human-rights abuses in Indonesia."

 By claiming there are Al Quaeda-trained terrorists in Indonesia, Exxon is
 using an unrelated issue to avoid facing serious charges of human rights
 abuse. The Indonesian military also claims there are Al Quaeda elements in
 the country, to try to persuade the US to provide funding for
anti-terrorist
 activities and military hardware. The military wants the US to lift its
 embargo on military assistance to Indonesia (the issue is currently being
 debated by Congress) and has denounced the pro-independence Free Aceh
 Movement (GAM) as a 'terrorist organisation'.

 Exxon's characterisation of the victims of torture, killings and rape as
 "fundamentalist insurgents" is again a deliberate attempt to cover up the
 fact that civilians, not armed guerrillas have suffered the most in the
Aceh
 war. The Indonesian military's "sweepings" regularly involve burning down
 homes, rounding up the inhabitants of villages suspected of having GAM
 sympathies and then shooting them. Even if those people murdered had been
 associated with GAM, the label 'fundamentalist' does not bear close
 examination. GAM's opposition to Jakarta rule is not inspired by religious
 differences with Indonesia, but a combination of historical, political
 cultural and economic motivations. Jakarta's recent introduction of Syariah
 Law in Aceh - a measure aimed at courting favour with local people, has
been
 criticised by civil society organisations as an unwanted imposition from
 Jakarta. Some Acehnese see it as an attempt by Jakarta to distract
attention
 from political and human rights issues by creating an image of Acehnese as
 'fundamentalists', and persuading the outside world not to support them
(see
 Tapol Bulletin 166/167).

 For the ordinary people of Aceh, the restoration of peace, a halt to
military
 oppression and justice for past atrocities are of prime importance. But the
 establishment of a new military command in the territory, tough talk from
 Jakarta's generals on the need to eliminate separatists and plans to impose
a
 state of emergency or martial law show that there is no change in
Indonesia's
 basic approach. These measures are making a mockery of the Special Autonomy
 implemented since January this year, under which Aceh is supposed to have
 more say in how it runs its affairs (see DTE 51 for more details on the
 Autonomy package.)

 Peace negotiations between GAM and the Jakarta government brokered by the
 Henri Dunant Center have resumed, but civil society organisations are still
 excluded. A civil society meeting organised to discuss progress on the
peace
 negotiations was banned in May. Moreover, the agreements made by the
 negotiators appear to have no bearing on what happens on the ground. By the
 eraly months of this year, the average death toll had reached 20 per day,
up
 from an average of 10 per day in 2001.

 Shareholder action

 ExxonMobil came under pressure from human rights and environmental
 organisations, including Amnesty International, to adopt a human rights
 policy at its annual general meeting in May. Amnesty and nine other
 organisations who hold shares in the company, signed a resolution demanding
 that Exxon come up with an objective human rights policy, that it halt
 drilling in environmentally sensitive areas, cease emissions of dangerous
 chemicals and put a stop to political donations. Exxon was the second
biggest
 contributor to President Bush's election fund.

 An Acehnese woman attending the meeting, Cut Zahara Hamzah, told
shareholders
 how Indonesian troops enter villages on the pretext of searching for GAM
 guerrillas and "arrest, detain, torture and �?� disappear innocent
villagers."

 Exxon is increasingly seen as a pariah company both for its association
with
 human rights abuse and its stance on environmental issues. In June the
 company tried to silence Greenpeace by taking court action in France over
the
 group's use of Exxon's logo in the joint StopEsso boycott campaign
 (www.stopesso.com). (Esso is the trade name for Exxon's petrol as sold in
 Europe). The company is claiming 80,000 Euros for reputational damage and a
 further 80,000 Euros per day should Greenpeace continue to use the doctored
 logo.

 Security zone

 Back in Aceh, the company is relying on more troops and tighter security
 measures to keep operations running. Last year, the company's gas fields
and
 the LNG processing plant ExxonMobil co-owns were forced to shut down for
 several months. A recent article in the New York Times described how more
 than 3,000* Indonesian troops now patrol the site "where the gas operations
 cut into fertile forest and sit alongside the simple plots of some of the
 world's poorest people". The report also described how executives sleep in
 shipping containers inside the plant, "having been forced to abandon their
 ranch-style homes a few miles away." In May, the kidnapping of two Exxon
 contract workers was reported, the second such incident in less than two
 months. State oil company Pertamina, Exxon's production sharing partner,
said
 it would not pay ransom for the workers. According to Pertamina, the
 kidnappers claimed they were from GAM.

* Local sources put the figure higher.

 (Source: The Nation 14/Jun/02; AFP 30/May/02; IRLF website
 www.laborrights.org/; Tapol Bulletin Apr-May/02; Washington Times 4/Apr/02
 via Joyo Indonesia News; The Guardian 25/Jun/02; New York Times 14/Jul/02;
 Dow Jones Newswires 6/May/02; Far Eastern Economic Review, 11/Jul/02)




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