Sent to you by Sean McBride via Google Reader: The Cheney-Edelman
Connection via LobeLog.com by admin on Aug 01, 2007
Greg Sargent at the TPM Café just posted an important entry on Vice
President Dick Cheney's contribution to the contretemps between the
Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, Eric Edelman, and Sen. Hillary
Clinton regarding the Pentagon's contingency planning for withdrawing
U.S. forces from Iraq. Sargent's account - including Defense Secretary
Robert Gates' efforts to calm the dispute - offers a good summary of
the current state of play. Briefly, in an appearance Tuesday on Larry
King, Cheney characterized Edelman's original response to Clinton, in
which, among other things, he (Edelman, that is) warned that "premature
and public discussion of the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq
reinforces enemy propaganda that the United States will abandon its
allies in Iraq," as a "good letter," thus implicitly contradicting the
position taken by Gates, Edelman's nominal superior.



Edelman, who replaced Douglas Feith in 2005, is a career foreign
service officer with neo-conservative views, albeit not as radical as
those of his ultra-Likudist predecessor. Although he has worked for
Democratic appointees, most recently former Deputy Secretary of State
Strobe Talbott, Edelman's ties to Cheney are of long standing. As noted
in his RightWeb profile Edelman first worked at the Pentagon under
Cheney in 1990. After the first Gulf War, he became part of the Policy
office overseen by then-Defense Undersecretary Paul Wolfowitz that
developed the 1992 draft Defense Planning Guidance (DPG) that became
the basis of George W. Bush's controversial 2002 National Security
Strategy. Cheney obviously thought highly enough of his work (and
ideological tendencies) to name Edelman as his principal deputy
national security adviser under Scooter Libby in 2001 and worked with
Libby in the run-up to the Iraq invasion after which he was named
ambassador to Turkey (on the strong recommendation, according to one
knowledgeable source, of Richard Perle, who has long-standing interests
in Turkey). My understanding is that both Cheney and Perle played a
role in persuading Rumsfeld to take on Edelman at the Pentagon after
Feith announced his departure.
With Gates' replacement of Rumsfeld last December and Gordon England as
deputy secretary, Edelman is the highest-ranking neo-conservative at
the Pentagon and clearly the most loyal to Cheney (whose chief of
staff, David Addington, may well have drafted the letter to Clinton, as
Edelman is not known as particularly confrontational.) The fact that
Cheney praised the letter, which had been all but repudiated by Gates,
tends to confirm the notion that Edelman, like John Bolton at the State
Department under Colin Powell, is doing the vice president's bidding.
(That notion is furthered by the fact that Edelman's office
co-ordinates closely with Devon Gaffney Cross' London-based Policy
Forum on International Security Affairs, a neo-conservative outfit that
quietly conducts public diplomacy for the Pentagon's policy shop and
various like-minded Washington-based think tanks, apparently outside
Karen Hughes' purview at the State Department.)
Cheney's endorsement of Edelman's letter thus raises the question of
who speaks for Bush - Gates or Edelman-Cheney -- on the questions raised
by Clinton, questions that she now, according to Sargent, plans to
address directly to the White House.
All this is taking place in the wake of the still-unconfirmed reports
by Robert Dreyfuss and Steve Clemons that Cheney's senior Middle East
adviser and Feith/Perle fellow-traveler David Wurmser will be leaving
the vice president's office for the private sector in August. While his
wife, Meyrav Wurmser, the head of the Hudson's Institute Middle East
program, has hinted that David has been planning to leave for some
time, his actual departure within 90 days of the appearance of the June
1 New York Times article that named him as the Cheney official who was
quietly shopping attack-Iran scenarios to various Washington think
tanks last spring suggests that it may not be altogether voluntary. If
not, one wonders whether Gates is seeking Edelman's removal, as the New
York Times recently suggested was an appropriate response to the
Clinton letter.
As much as he would like to, Gates, who has clearly eclipsed Rice as
the leader of the realist faction within the administration, will
probably not make such a move, particularly now that Cheney has spoken
out publicly in Edelman's defense. Several weeks ago, I heard from a
source who has known Gates for many years and has spoken with him not
infrequently of late that, for all Gates' success in purging Rumsfeld's
minions in the top military brass, he still feels very much on the
outside of the White House "bunker" whose occupants view him as one of
"Daddy's boys." I've heard from other sources that Rice, whose general
views are similar to Gates', has, since her signal victory over the
hawks on North Korea policy, reverted to a more-passive role, to the
defense secretary's great disappointment. Perhaps they can work things
out during their time together in the Middle East this week, far away
from Washington.

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