[Some Israeli Mossad directors and high officials appear to be much smarter
than American neocons and leaders of the Israel lobby -- Halevy is a foreign
policy pragmatist with a firm grasp on reality, not an hysterical shrieker.
So why does he have so little influence on AIPAC, the neocons and the
American mainstream media? For every article Donald Graham's Washington Post
publishes in this vein, it will publish ten stoking the fires for an
American attack on Iran.]

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/11/09/AR2007110901941.html

The Spy Who Wants Israel to Talk

By David Ignatius
The Washington Post
Sunday, November 11, 2007; B07

JERUSALEM -- Efraim Halevy, the former head of the Israeli intelligence
agency Mossad, titled his memoirs "Man in the Shadows." But now that he's
out in the sunlight, the 72-year-old retired spy chief has some surprisingly
contrarian things to say about Iran and Syria. The gist of his message is
that rather than constantly ratcheting up the rhetoric of confrontation, the
United States and Israel should be looking for ways to establish a creative
dialogue with these adversaries.

Halevy is a legendary figure in Israel because of his nearly 40 years of
service as an intelligence officer, culminating in his years as Mossad's
director from 1998 to 2003. He managed Israel's secret relationship with
Jordan for more than a decade, and he became so close to King Hussein that
the two personally negotiated the 1994 agreement paving the way for a peace
treaty. So when Halevy talks about the utility of secret diplomacy, he knows
whereof he speaks.

Of course, Halevy looks like the fictional master spy George Smiley --
thinning hair, wise but weary eyes, the rumpled manner of someone who might
have been a professor in another life. And Halevy has the gift of anonymity:
You would look right past him in a crowded room, never imagining that he was
the man who had conducted daring secret missions. After he appeared here
with former CIA director George Tenet at a conference sponsored by the
Brookings Institution's Saban Center, Halevy agreed to sit down for an
interview.

Halevy suggests that Israel should stop its jeremiads that Iran poses an
existential threat to the Jewish state. The rhetoric is wrong, he contends,
and it gets in the way of finding a peaceful solution to the Iranian nuclear
problem.

"I believe that Israel is indestructible," he insists. Iranian President
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad may boast that he wants to wipe Israel off the map, but
Iran's ability to consummate this threat is "minimal," he says. "Israel has
a whole arsenal of capabilities to make sure the Iranians don't achieve
their result." Even if the Iranians did obtain a nuclear weapon, says
Halevy, "they are deterrable," because for the mullahs, survival and
perpetuation of the regime is a holy obligation.

"We must be much more sophisticated and nuanced in our policies toward
Iran," Halevy contends. He argues for a combination of increased economic
pressure and a diplomatic opening that attempts to speak to Iran's "national
aspirations" and its shared interests with America and the West -- and even
Israel.

"Iranians, including those in government, know that acceptance of Israel is
not just something they have to accept but something that might bring their
deliverance," Halevy maintains.

The former spy chief also argues that Ahmadinejad's fiery rhetoric masks a
deep split within Iran over the country's future. "I believe that behind
their bombastic statements there is a desperate fear that they are going
down a path that would have dire consequences," he says. "They don't know
how to extricate themselves. We have to find creative ways to help them
escape from their rhetoric."

Halevy, who made many secret visits to Iran during the days of the shah,
argues that rather than rattling sabers the West should be looking for
dialogue with Tehran. "A creative and constructive approach to Iran's
concerns -- not the dreams of their fanatic president to effect the demise
of Israel -- might move them to see that their self-interest would be better
served by taking alternative paths."

Halevy takes a similarly contrarian view about Syria. "Damascus is now ripe
for peace negotiation," he says. He argues that the Syrians are signaling
their interest in such a negotiation and that the details of an agreement
were worked out during extensive talks in the 1990s. The Syrian track might
be a breakthrough, he argues, because an accommodation with Damascus might
bring along the rest of the Arab world, lead to a settlement in Lebanon and
undermine Syria's current alliance with Iran.

If the Syrians are serious about a dialogue with Israel, they should send a
clear signal, Halevy advises. They should urge Hezbollah to release the
Israeli prisoners it is holding or limit the activities of Hamas offices in
Damascus. "Do a little," he urges the Syrians. "Start the ball rolling."

Halevy has battled for decades for Israel's security, launching hundreds of
secret missions over the years to defend the Jewish state. So he has earned
the right to offer iconoclastic advice about his country's strategic
interests. At this delicate moment, he suggests, war talk about Iran is a
mistake. "Sensible Iranians are not in short supply," he confides. The
challenge is to find them and to begin a serious conversation.

The writer is co-host ofPostGlobal, an online discussion of international
issues. His e-mail address [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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