*Planting Seeds of Disaster*
ACORN, Barack Obama, and the Democratic party.

By Stanley Kurtz

http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=ZjRjYzE0YmQxNzU4MDJjYWE5MjIzMTMxMmNhZWQ1MTA=&w=MA
==
  'You've got only a couple thousand bucks in the bank. Your job pays you
dog-food wages. Your credit history has been bent, stapled, and mutilated.
You declared bankruptcy in 1989. Don't despair: You can still buy a house."
So began an April 1995 article in the *Chicago Sun-Times* that went on to
direct prospective home-buyers fitting this profile to a group of far-left
"community organizers" called ACORN, for assistance. In retrospect, of
course, encouraging customers like this to buy homes seems little short of
madness.
*
Militant ACORN*
At the time, however, that 1995 Chicago newspaper article represented
something of a triumph for Barack Obama. That same year, as a director at
Chicago's Woods Fund, Obama was successfully pushing for a major expansion
of assistance to ACORN, and sending still more money ACORN's way from his
post as board chair of the Chicago Annenberg Challenge. Through both funding
and personal-leadership training, Obama supported ACORN. And ACORN, far more
than we've recognized up to now, had a major role in precipitating the
subprime crisis.
I've already told the
story<http://www.nypost.com/seven/09292008/postopinion/opedcolumnists/os_dangerous_pals_131216.htm>of
Obama's close ties to ACORN leader Madeline Talbott, who personally
led
Chicago ACORN's campaign to intimidate banks into making high-risk loans to
low-credit customers. Using provisions of a 1977 law called the Community
Reinvestment Act (CRA), Chicago ACORN was able to delay and halt the efforts
of banks to merge or expand until they had agreed to lower their credit
standards — and to fill ACORN's coffers to finance "counseling" operations
like the one touted in that *Sun-Times* article. This much we've known. Yet
these local, CRA-based pressure-campaigns fit into a broader, more
disturbing, and still under-appreciated national picture. Far more than
we've recognized, ACORN's local, CRA-enabled pressure tactics served to
entangle the financial system as a whole in the subprime mess. ACORN was no
side-show. On the contrary, using CRA and ties to sympathetic congressional
Democrats, ACORN succeeded in drawing Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into the
very policies that led to the current disaster.

In one of the first book-length scholarly studies of ACORN, *Organizing
Urban 
America<http://www.amazon.com/Organizing%20Urban%20America%20Faith%20based%20Progressive/dp/0816648395/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1223302682&sr=8%201>
*, Rutgers University political scientist Heidi Swarts describes this group,
so dear to Barack Obama, as "oppositional outlaws." Swarts, a strong
supporter of ACORN, has no qualms about stating that its members think of
themselves as "militants unafraid to confront the powers that be." "This
identity as a uniquely militant organization," says Swarts, "is reinforced
by contentious action." ACORN protesters will break into private offices,
show up at a banker's home to intimidate his family, or pour protesters into
bank lobbies to scare away customers, all in an effort to force a lowering
of credit standards for poor and minority customers. According to Swarts,
long-term ACORN organizers "tend to see the organization as a solitary
vanguard of principled leftists...the only truly radical community
organization."

*ACORN's Inside Strategy*
Yet ACORN's entirely deserved reputation for militance is balanced by its
less-well-known "inside strategy." ACORN has long employed Washington-based
lobbyists who understand very well how the legislative game is played.
ACORN's national lobbyists may encourage and benefit from the militant
tactics of their base, but in the halls of congress they play the game with
smooth sophistication. The untold story of ACORN's central role in the
financial meltdown is about the one-two punch to the banking system
administered by this outside/inside strategy.

Critics of the notion that CRA had a major impact on the subprime crisis ask
how a law passed in 1977 could have caused a crisis in 2008? The answer has
a lot to do with ACORN — and the critical years of 1990-1995. While the 1977
Community Reinvestment Act did call on banks to increase lending in poor and
minority neighborhoods, its exact requirements were vague, and therefore
open to a good deal of regulatory interpretation. Banks merger or expansion
plans were rarely held up under CRA until the late 1980s, when ACORN
perfected its technique of filing CRA complaints in tandem with the sort of
intimidation tactics perfected by that original "community organizer" (and
Obama idol), Saul Alinsky.

At first, ACORN's anti-bank actions were relatively few in number. However,
under a provision of the 1989 savings and loan bailout pushed by liberal
Democratic legislators, like Massachusetts Congressman Joseph P. Kennedy,
lenders were required to compile public records of mortgage applicants by
race, gender, and income. Although the statistics produced by these studies
were presented in highly misleading ways, groups like ACORN were able to use
them to embarrass banks into lowering credit standards. At the same time, a
wave of banking mergers in the early 1990's provided an opening for ACORN to
use CRA to force lending changes. Any merger could be blocked under CRA, and
once ACORN began systematically filing protests over minority lending, a
formerly toothless set of regulations began to bite.
ACORN's efforts to undermine credit standards in the late 1980s taught it a
valuable lesson. However much pressure ACORN put on banks to lower credit
standards, tough requirements in the "secondary market" run by Fannie Mae
and Freddie Mac served as a barrier to change. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac
buy up mortgages en masse, bundle them, and sell them to investors on the
world market. Back then, Fannie and Freddie refused to buy loans that failed
to meet high credit standards. If, for example, a local bank buckled to
ACORN pressure and agreed to offer poor or minority applicants a 5-percent
down-payment rate, instead of the normal 10-20 percent, Fannie and Freddie
would refuse to buy up those mortgages. That would leave all the risk of
these shaky loans with the local bank. So again and again, local banks would
tell ACORN that, because of standards imposed by Fannie and Freddie, they
could lower their credit standards by only a little.

So the eighties taught ACORN that a high-pressure, Alinskyite outside
strategy wouldn't be enough. Their Washington lobbyists would have to bring
inside pressure on the government to undercut credit standards at Fannie Mae
and Freddie Mac. Only then would local banks consider making loans available
to customers with bad credit histories, low wages, virtually nothing in the
bank, and even bankruptcies on record.

*Democrats and ACORN
*As early as 1987, ACORN began pressuring Fannie and Freddie to review their
standards, with modest results. By 1989, ACORN had lured Fannie Mae into the
first of many "pilot projects" designed to help local banks lower credit
standards. But it was all small potatoes until the serious pressure began in
early 1991. At that point, Democratic Senator Allan Dixon convened a Senate
subcommittee hearing at which an ACORN representative gave key testimony.
It's probably not a coincidence that Dixon, like Obama, was an Illinois
Democrat, since Chicago has long been a stronghold of ACORN influence.

Dixon gave credibility to ACORN's accusations of loan bias, although these
claims of racism were disputed by Missouri Republican, Christopher Bond.
ACORN's spokesman strenuously complained that his organization's efforts to
relax local credit standards were being blocked by requirements set by the
secondary market. Dixon responded by pressing Fannie and Freddie to do more
to relax those standards — and by promising to introduce legislation that
would ensure it. At this early stage, Fannie and Freddie walked a fine line
between promising to do more, while protesting any wholesale reduction of
credit requirements.

By July of 1991, ACORN's legislative campaign began to bear fruit. As
the *Chicago
Tribune* put it, "Housing activists have been pushing hard to improve
housing for the poor by extracting greater financial support from the
country's two highly profitable secondary mortgage-market companies. Thanks
to the help of sympathetic lawmakers, it appeared...that they may succeed."
The *Tribune* went on to explain that House Democrat Henry Gonzales had
announced that Fannie and Freddie had agreed to commit $3.5 billion to
low-income housing in 1992 and 1993, in addition to a just-announced $10
billion "affordable housing loan program" by Fannie Mae. The article
emphasizes ACORN pressure and notes that Fannie and Freddie had been
fighting against the plan as recently as a week before agreement was
reached. Fannie and Freddie gave in only to stave off even more restrictive
legislation floated by congressional Democrats.
A mere month later, ACORN Housing Corporation president, George Butts made
news by complaining to a House Banking subcommittee that ACORN's efforts to
pressure banks using CRA were still being hamstrung by Fannie and Freddie.
Butts also demanded still more data on the race, gender, and income of loan
applicants. Many news reports over the ensuing months point to ACORN as the
key source of pressure on congress for a further reduction of credit
standards at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. As a result of this pressure, ACORN
was eventually permitted to redraft many of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac's
loan guideline.

*Clinton and ACORN*
ACORN's progress through 1992 depended on its Democratic allies. Whatever
ACORN managed to squeeze out of the George H. W. Bush administration came
under congressional pressure. With the advent of the Clinton administration,
however, ACORN's fortunes took a positive turn. Clinton Housing Secretary
Henry Cisnersos pledged to meet monthly with ACORN representatives. For
ACORN, those meetings bore fruit.
Another factor working in ACORN's favor was that its increasing success with
local banks turned those banks into allies in the battle with Fannie and
Freddie. Precisely because ACORN's local pressure tactics were working,
banks themselves now wanted Fannie and Freddie to loosen their standards
still further, so as to buy up still more of the high-risk loans they'd made
at ACORN's insistence. So by the 1993, a grand alliance of ACORN, national
Democrats, and local bankers looking for someone to lessen the risks imposed
on them by CRA and ACORN were uniting to pressure Fannie and Freddie to
loosen credit standards still further.

At this point, both ACORN and the Clinton administration were working
together to impose large numerical targets or "set asides" (really a sort of
poor and minority loan quota system) on Fannie and Freddie. ACORN called for
at least half of Fannie and Freddie loans to go to low-income customers. At
first the Clinton administration offered a set-aside of 30 percent. But
eventually ACORN got what it wanted. In early 1994, the Clinton
administration floated plans for committing $1 trillion in loans to low- and
moderate-income home-buyers, which would amount to about half of Fannie
Mae's business by the end of the decade. Wall Street Analysts attributed
Fannie Mae's willingness to go along with the change to the need to protect
itself against still more severe "congressional attack." News reports also
highlighted praise for the change from ACORN's head lobbyist, Deepak
Bhargava.

This sweeping debasement of credit standards was touted by Fannie Mae's
chairman, chief executive officer, and now prominent Obama adviser James A.
Johnson. This is also the period when Fannie Mae ramped up its pilot
programs and local partnerships with ACORN, all of which became precedents
and models for the pattern of risky subprime mortgages at the root of
today's crisis. During these years, Obama's Chicago ACORN ally, Madeline
Talbott, was at the forefront of participation in those pilot programs, and
her activities were consistently supported by Obama through both foundation
funding and personal leadership training for her top organizers.

Finally, in June of 1995, President Clinton, Vice President Gore, and
Secretary Cisneros announced the administration's comprehensive new strategy
for raising home-ownership in America to an all-time high. Representatives
from ACORN were guests of honor at the ceremony. In his remarks, Clinton
emphasized that: "Out homeownership strategy will not cost the taxpayers one
extra cent. It will not require legislation." Clinton meant that informal
partnerships between Fannie and Freddie and groups like ACORN would make
mortgages available to customers "who have historically been excluded from
homeownership."

*Disaster
*In the end of course, Clinton's plan cost taxpayers an almost unimaginable
amount of money. And it was just around the time of his 1995 announcement
that the Chicago papers started encouraging bad-credit customers with
"dog-food" wages, little money in the bank, and even histories of bankruptcy
to apply for home loans with the help of ACORN. At both the local and
national levels, then, ACORN served as the critical catalyst, levering
pressure created by the Community Reinvestment Act and pull with Democratic
politicians to force Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into a pattern of high-risk
loans.

Up to now, conventional wisdom on the financial meltdown has relegated ACORN
and the CRA to bit parts. The real problem, we've been told, lay with Fannie
Mae and Freddie Mac. In fact, however, ACORN is at the base of the whole
mess. ACORN used CRA and Democratic sympathizers to entangle Fannie and
Freddie and the entire financial system in a disastrous disregard of the
most basic financial standards. And Barack Obama cut his teeth as an
organizer and politician backing up ACORN's economic madness every step of
the way.

* — Stanley Kurtz is a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy
Institute <http://eppc.org/>. *

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