Drop the rules change for 2/3's majority without amendment, resubmit
and pass.

A grateful President is never a bad thing

On Feb 10, 10:32 am, MJ <micha...@america.net> wrote:
> House Refuses to Renew Patriot Act ProvisionsbyThe Freemanon Wednesday, 
> February 9, 2011 at 8:32am
> “A measure extending portions of the Patriot Act fell seven votes short in 
> the House as 26 Republicans joined Democrats in voting it down.” (UPI)A blow 
> on behalf of civil liberties.How Washington Protects Your Privacy and 
> LibertyJames Bovard
> January/February 2011 • Volume: 61 • Issue: 1 •
> Preserving trust in government is the highest goodat least for politicians. 
> To create that trust, government continually spawns façades to make people 
> believe their rights are safe. Few things better illustrate this charade than 
> the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board.
> In 2004, three years after the Patriot Act was enacted, politicians started 
> to worry about the rising number of Americans grumbling about government 
> intrusions. The 9/11 Commission proposed creating “a board within the 
> executive branch to oversee adherence to the guidelines we recommend and the 
> commitment the government makes to defend our civil liberties.” Creating 
> another office within the executive branch to report on executive branch 
> activities was unlikely to produce anything more than extra jobs for 
> Washington hangers-on. The White House edited the 9/11 commission’s report 
> before it was publicly released, so the Bush team had no trouble with this 
> toothless-tiger palliative.
> In December 2004, acting on the commission’s recommendation, Congress 
> mandated the creation of the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board. The 
> same law that created the oversight board also made it easier for the FBI to 
> get eavesdropping warrants on Americans, created a new standard to make it 
> easier to prosecute citizens who donate to foreign charities of which the 
> U.S. government disapproves, and provided a new layer of secrecy for federal 
> agencies.
> Some congressmen hailed the board as the start of a brave new era. Things 
> would be different since there was a new sheriff in Washington -- or at least 
> that was what people were supposed to think. The civil liberties developments 
> in the years after the board was created offer profound lessons into how the 
> government works.
> It would have been difficult to design a better rubber stamp than the Privacy 
> and Civil Liberties Oversight Board. It had no subpoena power, so it was 
> effectively obliged to accept unsubstantiated assertions from the agencies 
> violating privacy and liberty. The president had the right to appoint board 
> members and could fire them any time. Bush did not appoint any experts on 
> civil liberties; instead, the board was stacked with Republicans who formerly 
> held government positions as enforcement zealots. And the first appointments 
> did not occur until seven months after the law passed. The American Bar 
> Association noted that Bush’s nominations were timed “as part of the 
> administration’s push to encourage Congress to reauthorize provisions of the 
> USA Patriot Act that expire within the next few months.” The oversight board 
> supposedly guaranteed that Patriot Act powers would not be abused.
> Six months after Bush stacked the board, the biggest civil liberties expose 
> of recent decades exploded on the front page of theNew York Times. The prior 
> year, when he was running for reelection, Bush assured Americans that no 
> wiretaps were occurring without federal court authorization. But 
> theTimesrevealed that the National Security Agency (NSA) had conducted 
> warrantless wiretaps on thousands of Americans based on flimsy pretexts. 
> TheTimes’James Risen reported that Bush’s “secret presidential order has 
> given the NSA the freedom to peruse . . . the email of millions of 
> Americans.” The NSA’s program was quickly christened the “J. Edgar Hoover 
> Memorial Vacuum Cleaner.”
> In the Fourth Amendment of the Bill of Rights the Founding Fathers decreed 
> that government searches must be based on probable cause and approved by a 
> neutral magistrate. The Bush wiretapping program was based solely on the 
> president’s edict. Shift supervisors at the National Security Agency decided 
> which Americans got wiretapped. But a GS-13 civil servant is not 
> constitutionally on par with a federal judge.An Ineffective RageDid the 
> existence of the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board change how the 
> wiretapping scandal played out? Not a whit. Bush seized on theTimesexposé to 
> portray himself as heroically rising above the statute book to protect the 
> American people. A month later, Republican members of Congress gave Bush a 
> standing ovation when he bragged about his “terrorist surveillance program” 
> in his State of the Union address. There was more enthusiasm in Congress for 
> prosecutingNew York Timeseditors and reporters for treason than for 
> prosecuting NSA officials for violating federal law.
> Supporters of civil liberties rallied a few months later to try to slow the 
> bandwagon to renew the Patriot Act. One major concern was the provision in 
> the original Patriot Act that made it far easier for the FBI to use National 
> Security Letters (NSLs) to compel private citizens, businesses, nonprofits, 
> and other entities to surrender information on demand. NSLs empower the FBI 
> to seize records that reveal “where a person makes and spends money, with 
> whom he lives and lived before, how much he gambles, what he buys online, 
> what he pawns and borrows, where he travels, how he invests, what he searches 
> for and reads on the Web, and who telephones or e-mails him at home and at 
> work,” theWashington Postnoted. The FBI was issuing more than 50,000 NSLs per 
> year.
> While Bush pressured Congress to renew the Patriot Act in 2005, Attorney 
> General Alberto Gonzales announced, “The track record established over the 
> past three years has demonstrated the effectiveness of the safeguards of 
> civil liberties put in place when the act was passed. There has not been one 
> verified case of civil liberties abuse.” In reality the feds had already 
> discovered hundreds of criminal abuses of Patriot Act powers involving FBI 
> agents and NSLs. But the abuses were kept under wraps until after Congress 
> renewed the Patriot Act.
> A bipartisan agreement to renew the Patriot Act was finally reached, giving 
> the White House almost everything it wanted. As part of the deal Bush 
> administration officials agreed to provide Congress far more details on how 
> Patriot Act powers were being used. The Justice Department would be obliged 
> to disclose to Congress how many Americans were having their privacy violated 
> by NSLs.
> However, Bush reneged in a “signing statement” quietly released after a 
> heavily hyped White House bill-signing ceremony. He decreed that he was 
> entitled to deny Congress any information that would “impair foreign 
> relations, national security, the deliberative process of the executive, or 
> the performance of the executive’s constitutional duties.” Bush announced 
> that he would interpret the law “in a manner consistent with the president’s 
> constitutional authority to supervise the unitary executive branch and to 
> withhold information.”
> In other words, any provision of the law that required disclosure would be 
> presumptively null and void. The crux of the Bush administration’s “unitary 
> executive” doctrine was that all power rests in the president and that 
> “checks and balances” are archaic.
> The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board had no complaint about this 
> charade. Instead, the members belatedly and heartily endorsed the NSA’s 
> warrantless wiretaps on Americans’ phone calls and emails.
> In 2007, before the Board could issue its first annual report, White House 
> staffers massively rewrote and censored a draft version. Lanny Davis, the 
> sole Democratic member of the board, resigned, later protesting that “the 
> board was logically viewed . . . as the functional equivalent of White House 
> staff.”Toothless WatchdogBut the mere existence of the board allowed members 
> of Congress to pirouette as constitutional saviors. When the House passed 
> legislation later in 2007 moving the board out of the White House and 
> requiring Senate confirmation of its members, Rep. Carolyn Maloney 
> proclaimed, “The American people must have trust in their government to 
> support its tactics against terrorism, and a strong Civil Liberties Board is 
> vital to upholding that public trust.” But the restructured board, like the 
> original, was better designed to alleviate public fears than to restrain 
> federal power. The “reformed” Board was given little or no power to acquire 
> information that federal agencies chose not to give. And it is difficult to 
> understand how requiring Senate confirmation of Board members was a silver 
> bullet, since the Senate had given approval, retroactive or otherwise, to the 
> Bush administration’s most controversial abuses.
> The same season that Congress passed the civil liberties board reform 
> proposal it also enacted a law requiring the Homeland Security Department’s 
> chief privacy officer to “to report each year about Homeland Security 
> activities that affect privacy,” theNew York Timesreported. The law required 
> that “reports be submitted directly to Congress ‘without any prior comment or 
> amendment’ by superiors at the department or the White House.” Congress 
> passed this law because of an earlier controversy about White House 
> censorship of the Homeland Security Department’s report on privacy violations.
> Five months after the law passed, Bush covertly issued a legal opinion 
> effectively declaring that provision null and void. Deputy assistant attorney 
> general Steven Bradbury declared that “such interference [by Congress] is 
> impermissible.” Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, the ranking Republican on 
> the Senate Judiciary Committee, denounced Bush’s action as “unconstitutional” 
> and “a dictatorial, after-the-fact pronouncement by him in line with a lot of 
> other cherry-picking he’s done on the signing statements.” But Bush’s action 
> was largely ignored by the media. And his Civil Liberties Board certainly did 
> not even whimper.
> When Bush lagged in appointing members to the restructured board, Sen. Joe 
> Lieberman, chairman of the Senate Homeland Security Committee, urged him in 
> 2008 to move quickly “to preserve the public’s faith in our promise to 
> protect their privacy and civil liberties as we work to protect the country 
> against terrorism.” Lieberman wanted to preserve “the public’s faith” at the 
> same time he championed “enhanced interrogation” methods and retroactive 
> immunity for any company or person who violated Americans’ rights in the name 
> of antiterrorism. (The Senate did not confirm any of Bush’s belated 
> nominations.)Change You Can Forget AboutDuring his presidential campaign 
> Barack Obama vigorously criticized Bush’s civil liberties abuses. Many of his 
> supporters expected that, if elected, Obama would radically change federal 
> policies regarding American liberty.
> As of this past October, Obama had made no appointments to the oversight 
> board. Rep. Bennie Thompson, then chairman of the House Homeland Security 
> Committee, and Rep. Jane Harman, then chairman of that panel’s subcommittee 
> on intelligence, wrote Obama early last year urging him to speedily make 
> appointments because “we believe that the Board will give an anxious public 
> confidence that appropriate rights are respected.” Harman is best known as 
> the sponsor of the Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism Prevention 
> Act, which could have spurred massive crackdowns on libertarians, 
> constitutionalists, and others with nonmainstream ideas.
> Many newspaper editorials have also complained about Obama’s failure to stock 
> the oversight board. But this is perhaps the most honest action the Obama 
> administration has taken regarding civil liberties. In area after area Obama 
> has rubber-stamped Bush-era abuses and signaled that there would be no 
> investigation or prosecution of official wrongdoers from the previous 
> administration. Obama is also embracing Bush-style State-secrecy doctrines 
> that prohibit disclosure of the rationale for U.S. government-planned 
> assassinations of Americans.
> The oversight board is far more likely to induce complacency than to protect 
> liberty. Since 9/11, trampling the Constitution is a no-fault offense. In 
> Washington nowadays, only “extremists” believe that federal officials should 
> be jailed for violating citizens’ privacy.
> For every member of Congress such as Rep. Ron Paul (R-Tex.), who vigorously 
> and consistently opposes federal abuses, there are vanloads of congressmen 
> cheering federal agents’ trampling the statute book in the name of public 
> safety. The founders intended Congress to be a vigorous check on the abuses 
> of the executive branch. However, few members of Congress have the gumption 
> to pursue official lawbreakers or to fight to expose agencies’ crime sprees. 
> In the 1970s, senators like Sam Ervin (D-N.C.) and Frank Church (D-Id.) 
> spearheaded probes into executive-branch abuses, revolutionizing how 
> Americans thought about the president, the CIA, and the FBI. Ervin and Church 
> succeeded in part because of sheer willpower. But there is little or no such 
> courage in Washington nowadays.
> Washington vastly prefers the appearance of checks and balances to the 
> reality of government under law. At a time when federal officials who violate 
> Americans’ rights have nothing to fear from Uncle Sam, the existence of the 
> oversight board is a cruel taunt to private citizens.
> Perhaps the best epithet for the feds’ civil liberties record is the saying 
> of Lily Tomlin: “No matter how cynical you become, it’s never enough to keep 
> up.” “I’m from the government, and I’m here to safeguard your privacy” is the 
> post-9/11 version of the old joke. But American liberty cannot afford any 
> more sham protections. Abolishing the oversight board would be the most 
> honest step Washington has taken on civil liberties in this 
> century.http://www.thefreemanonline.org/featured/how-washington-protects-your-privacy-and-liberty/

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