ree and democratic societies take chances. They guarantee freedom of speech
and of the press, despite the risk that harmful, foolish, or depraved ideas
may be promoted. They require due process of law before an offender can be
punished, even though some who are guilty may go free as a result. They give
citizens the power to elect their rulers, notwithstanding the strife
election campaigns generate -- and the possibility that voters will choose
officials who are corrupt or incompetent.

But there are limits. "Liberty and justice for all" does not require
empowering even those who seek to do away with liberty and justice. In
his famous
dissent<http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?navby=CASE&court=US&vol=337&page=1#13>in
the 1949 Supreme Court case of
*Terminiello v. Chicago*, Justice Robert Jackson warned against interpreting
the First Amendment so categorically as to fortify "right and left
totalitarian groups, who want nothing so much as to paralyze and discredit .
. . democratic authority." A commitment to liberal democracy is not an
obligation to open the democratic process to parties that reject liberal
democracy itself. Jackson cautioned the court's majority to "temper its
doctrinaire logic with a little practical wisdom," lest it "convert the
constitutional Bill of Rights into a suicide pact."


-- 
When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying
the cross.

Sinclair Lewis

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