http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323582904578485041304763554.html
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Greg Lukianoff: Feds to Students: You Can't Say That**** By GREG LUKIANOFF
<http://online.wsj.com/search/term.html?KEYWORDS=GREG+LUKIANOFF+&bylinesearch=true>
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The scandals roiling Washington over the past two weeks involve troubling
government behavior that had been hidden—the IRS targeting of conservative
groups and the Justice Department's surveillance of the Associated Press,
among others. Largely overlooked amid the histrionics has been a shocker
hiding in plain sight. Last week, the Obama administration moved to
dramatically undermine students' and faculty rights at colleges across the
country.****

The new policy was announced in a joint letter from the Education
Department and Justice Department to the University of Montana. The May 9
letter addressed the results of a year-long joint investigation by the
departments into the school's mishandling of several serious sexual-assault
cases. The investigation determined that the university's policies
addressing sexual assault failed to comply with Title IV of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972.****

But the joint letter, which announced a "resolution agreement" with the
university, didn't stop there. It then proceeded to rewrite the federal
government's rules about sexual harassment and free speech on campus. ****

If that sounds hyperbolic, consider the letter itself. The first paragraph
declares that the Montana findings should serve as a "blueprint for
colleges and universities throughout the country." After outlining the
specifics of the case, the letter states that only a stunningly broad
definition of sexual harassment—"unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature"—will
now satisfy federal statutory requirements. This explicitly includes
"verbal conduct," otherwise known as speech.****

[image: image]****

Corbis ****

The letter rejects the requirement, established by legal precedent and
previous Education Department guidance, that sexual harassment must be
"objectively offensive." By eliminating this "reasonable person"
standard—which the Education Department has required since at least 2003,
and which protects the accused against unreasonable or insincere
allegations—the right not to be offended has been enshrined in a federal
mandate.****

The letter further states that campuses have "an obligation to respond to
student-on-student harassment" even when that harassment occurs off-campus.
In some circumstances, the letter says, universities may take "disciplinary
action against the harasser" even "prior to the completion of the Title IX
and Title IV investigation/resolution." In plain English: Students can be
punished before they are found guilty of harassment. ****

Given that the letter represents an interpretation of federal law by major
federal agencies, most colleges will regard it as binding. Noncompliance
threatens federal funding, including Pell grants and Stafford loans.****

The implications for professors and students are enormous. An unsuccessful
request for a date, or even assigning a potentially offensive book like
"Lolita," could now be construed as harassment. As attorney and civil
libertarian Wendy Kaminer commented on The Atlantic's website this week:
"The stated goal of this policy is stemming discrimination, but the
inevitable result will be advancing it, in the form of content-based
prohibitions on speech."****

This attack on campus free speech follows the Education Department's
directive two years ago requiring every college in the country that
receives federal funds to lower the standard of evidence in
sexual-harassment cases. The "preponderance of the evidence," the
judiciary's lowest standard of proof, became the required standard. (Many
institutions had previously used the "clear and convincing" standard.) As
former Dean of Harvard CollegeHarry Lewis has noted, the "preponderance of
evidence" mandate means "more convictions—of both guilty and innocent
individuals," which is a troubling result "in a society that values
individual rights."****

Last week's letter is part of a decades-long effort by anti-"hate speech"
professors, students, activists and administrators to classify any
offensive speech as harassment unprotected by the First Amendment. Such
speech codes reached their height in the 1980s and 1990s, but they were
defeated in federal and state court and came in for public ridicule.****

Despite these setbacks, harassment-based speech codes have become the de
facto rule. Earlier this year, my organization, the Foundation for
Individual Rights in Education, published a study that looked at 409
colleges and found that 62% maintain codes that violate First Amendment
standards.****

The stifling effect of these codes isn't theoretical. In 2011, the
University of Denver suspended a professor and found him guilty of sexual
harassment because his class discussion on sexual taboos in American
culture (in a graduate-level course) was considered too racy. Last year,
Appalachian State University suspended a professor for creating a "hostile
environment" after she criticized the university's treatment of
sexual-assault cases involving student-athletes and screened a documentary
critical of the adult-film industry.****

Recent history gives no reason to expect that the government's new
directive on "verbal conduct" will remain confined to sexual speech. At
Tufts in 2007, a conservative student publication was found guilty of
harassment for criticizing Islam. The same happened to a professor at
Purdue University at Calumet in 2012, who faced a four-month investigation.*
***

An obsession with political correctness and the expansion of bureaucracy on
campus are key factors in the proliferation of such free-speech abuses. But
the hidden force that pushes schools to overreact to offensive, or merely
dissenting, speech is fear of liability and the federal government. A
growing "risk-management" industry—complete with regular conferences,
conventions and consultants—has arisen from efforts by university
administrators trying to avoid being sued for discrimination or harassment,
and to avoid the costly investigations in which the Education Department's
Office for Civil Rights specializes.****

All of this effort and expense ought to be unnecessary. The Supreme Court
already did the work in *Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education* (1999).
Recognizing that workplace standards for harassment were inappropriate for
educational institutions, in *Davis* the court offered a clear, narrow,
workable definition of harassment as a targeted pattern of serious and
ongoing discriminatory behavior.****

Adopting this standard would have solved—and would still solve, if
implemented—universities' liability panic, while allowing real harassers to
be punished and avoiding serious threats to freedom of speech. But the
Education and Justice departments apparently don't want to embrace the
Supreme Court's solution. In their letter, they explicitly reject (and
misquote) the court's thoughtful analysis in *Davis, *deeming it
inapplicable for the agencies' "purposes of administrative enforcement."****

When the Education Department lowered the standard of evidence for
harassment accusations in 2011, some college administrators complained, but
most meekly accepted the federal mandate. They may be regretting that
submission, now that the government is pushing for even lower standards.
Unless we decide that college should primarily be a social institution
devoted to preventing offense, it is time for universities—as well as state
governments, alumni, students, parents, faculty and citizens—to fight back.
****

*Mr. Lukianoff is the author of "Unlearning Liberty: Campus Censorship and
the End of American Debate" (Encounter, 2012) and the president of the
Foundation for Individual Rights in Education.* ****

*A version of this article appeared May 17, 2013, on page A15 in the U.S.
edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: Feds to Students:
You Can't Say That.*

** **

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