PJ Media, June 18, 2013 ****

 ****

*Syria and Egypt Can’t Be
Fixed*<http://pjmedia.com/spengler/2013/06/18/syria-and-egypt-cant-be-fixed/>
****

By David P. Goldman (Spengler)****

Cross-posted from Asia Times
Online<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MID-01-170613.html>
.****


Syria and Egypt are dying. They were dying before the Syrian civil war
broke out and before the Muslim Brotherhood took power in Cairo. Syria has
an insoluble civil war and Egypt has an insoluble crisis because they are
dying. They are dying because they chose not to do what China did: move the
better part of a billion people from rural backwardness to a modern urban
economy within a generation. Mexico would have died as well, without the
option to send its rural poor – fully one-fifth of its population – to the
United States.****

It was obvious to anyone who troubled to examine the data that Egypt could
not maintain a bottomless pit in its balance of payments, created by a 50%
dependency on imported food, not to mention an energy bill fed by subsidies
that consumed a quarter of the national budget. It was obvious to Israeli
analysts that the Syrian regime’s belated attempt to modernize its
agricultural sector would create a crisis as hundreds of thousands of
displaced farmers gathered in slums on the outskirts of its cities. These
facts were in evidence early in 2011 when Hosni
Mubarak<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MB02Ak01.html>fell
and the Syrian
rebellion <http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MC29Ak02.html> broke
out. Paul Rivlin of Israel’s Moshe Dayan Center published a devastating
profile of Syria’s economic failure in April 2011. [1]****

Sometimes countries dig themselves into a hole from which they cannot
extricate themselves. Third World dictators typically keep their rural
population poor, isolated and illiterate, the better to maintain control.
That was the policy of Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party from the
1930s, which warehoused the rural poor in Stalin-modeled collective farms
called ejidos occupying most of the national territory. That was also the
intent of the Arab nationalist dictatorships in Egypt and Syria. The policy
worked until it didn’t. In Mexico, it stopped working during the debt
crisis of the early 1980s, and Mexico’s poor became America’s problem. In
Egypt and Syria, it stopped working in 2011. There is nowhere for Egyptians
and Syrians to go.****

It is cheap to assuage Western consciences by sending some surplus arms to
the Syrian Sunnis. No-one has proposed a way to find the more than US$20
billion a year that Egypt requires to stay afloat. In June 2011, then
French president Nicholas Sarkozy talked about a Group of Eight support
program of that order of magnitude. No Western (or Gulf State) government,
though, is willing to pour that sort of money down an Egyptian sinkhole.****

Egypt remains a pre-modern society, with nearly 50% illiteracy, a 30% rate
of consanguineal marriage, a 90% rate of female genital mutilation, and an
un- or underemployment rate over 40%. Syria has neither enough oil nor
water to maintain the bazaar economy dominated by the Assad family.****

Both were disasters waiting to happen. Economics, to be sure, set the stage
but did not give the cues: Syria’s radical Sunnis revolted in part out of
enthusiasm for the ascendancy of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and partly
in fear of Iran’s ambition to foster Shi’ite ascendancy in the region.****

It took nearly two years for the chattering classes to take stock of
Egypt’s economic disaster. The New York Times’ Thomas Friedman, the
benchmark for liberal opinion on foreign policy, gushed like an adolescent
about the tech-savvy activists of Tahrir Square in early 2011. Last week he
visited a Cairo bakery and watched the Egyptian poor jostling for
subsidized bread. Some left hungry. [2] As malnutrition afflicts roughly a
quarter of Egyptians in the World Health Organization’s estimate, and the
Muslim Brotherhood government waits for a bumper wheat crop that never will
come, Egypt is slowly dying. Emergency loans from Qatar and Libya slowed
the national necrosis but did not stop it.****

This background lends an air of absurdity to the present debate over
whether the West should arm Syria’s Sunni rebels. American hawks like
Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham, to be sure, argue for sending arms
to the Sunnis because they think it politically unwise to propose an attack
on the Assad regime’s master, namely Iran. The Obama administration has
agreed to arm the Sunnis because it costs nothing to pre-empt Republican
criticism. We have a repetition of the “dumb and
dumber”<http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/132459/dumb-and-dumber>consensus
that prevailed during early 2011, when the Republican hawks called for
intervention in Libya and the Obama administration obliged. Call it the
foreign policy version of the sequel, “Dumb and Dumberer”.****

Even if the Sunnis could eject the Assad family from Damascus and establish
a new government – which I doubt – the best case scenario would be another
Egypt: a Muslim Brotherhood government presiding over a collapsed economy
and sliding inevitably towards state failure. It is too late even for this
kind of arrangement. Equalizing the military position of the two sides will
merely increase the body count. The only humane thing to do is to partition
the country on the Yugoslav model, but that does not appear to be on the
agenda of any government.
*
Notes:
1. See Israel the winner in the Arab
revolts<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MD12Ak01.html>,
Asia Times Online, April 12, 2011.
2. Egypt’s Perilous
Drift<http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/16/opinion/sunday/friedman-egypts-perilous-drift.html?ref=opinion&_r=1&;>,
New York Times, June 15, 2013.*****

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