http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5097&l=1

Aceh: Post-conflict Complications
Asia Report N°139 
4 October 2007 

To access this executive summary and recommendations in Indonesian, please 
click here.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Peace in Aceh continues to hold but where the Yudhoyono government and many in 
Jakarta see a closed book with a happy ending, many Acehnese see a temporary 
respite from a conflict that will inevitably resume. The behaviour of many 
elected Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) officials and 
ex-combatants is part of the reason for gloom: Acehnese voters seem to have 
substituted one venal elite for another. Extortion, robbery and illegal logging 
involving ex-combatants - although they are not the only culprits - are cause 
for concern, and a reintegration program initially aimed at helping former 
fighters economically has been marred by confusion of goals, lack of strategy 
and lack of accountability. But unresolved issues between Aceh and Jakarta are 
the real time bomb, and the two sides need to establish an appropriate forum 
for working these out.

The election of GAM members to provincial and district offices in December 2006 
has helped create lucrative patronage networks: jobs and contracts have gone to 
the victors. Even so, unemployment of ex-combatants remains high and may be one 
factor in the rash of incidents involving illicit efforts to get quick cash. 
The Aceh Reintegration Board (Badan Reintegrasi Aceh, BRA) has been 
dysfunctional since its creation. New leadership since April 2007 and a new 
orientation since August may address some of the management problems; whether 
the latter will facilitate reconciliation or further polarise communities is 
not clear. No one, including donors, seems to have a clear idea whether 
reintegration funding is an entitlement under the 2005 Helsinki peace 
agreement, a vehicle for community reconciliation, compensation for past 
sacrifice or a mechanism for economic empowerment of individuals. Allegations 
over inequitable distribution of benefits have further divided a fractious and 
decentralised GAM.

A political rift that emerged before the elections between the exiled 
leadership in Sweden led by Malik Mahmud and a younger generation led by 
Irwandi Yusuf, now governor, and many of the field commanders, has deepened. In 
preparation for the 2009 elections, GAM supporters may field at least three 
separate parties. One that has caused consternation in Jakarta, called simply 
"GAM Party" with the GAM pro-independence flag as its symbol, in fact 
represents just Malik's minority faction.

Internal feuding will subside, however, if problems with Jakarta heat up. Two 
issues in particular could cause that to happen in the lead-up to elections: 
intelligence operations to strengthen "anti-separatist" forces, and GAM 
pressure, applied unstrategically, for full implementation of the Helsinki 
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). GAM leaders have valid concerns about 
provisions of the Law on Governing Aceh (LOGA) passed in mid-2006 that diluted 
or undermined key principles of that MoU. Some of these can and should be 
addressed through a mechanism that allows for top-level dialogue and working 
through issues, especially as they relate to the authority and function of 
Aceh's autonomous local government. But GAM leaders also need to realise that 
trying to open LOGA to amendment by the parliament in Jakarta in a pre-election 
environment could be playing with fire. 

While dialogue takes place, GAM leaders need to concentrate on governing, 
delivering tangible benefits to Acehnese with the considerable funding at their 
disposal and keeping their supporters under control, rather than laying all 
blame for lack of progress at Jakarta's door. The central government needs to 
ensure that its intelligence agencies keep their interventionist tendencies in 
check.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To GAM Officials in Aceh:

1.  Spend less time in Jakarta and abroad and concentrate on improving 
government services.

2.  Develop and apply concrete performance goals for the provincial and 
district governments.

3.  Exert stricter discipline over renegade members, particularly in North 
Aceh, and ensure that those known to be involved in crimes are turned over to 
the police. 

4.  Make clear that no demands from members of GAM's armed wing, now called the 
Aceh Transition Committee (Komite Peralihan Aceh, KPA), for percentages of 
project funding will be tolerated and that verified reports of such demands 
will lead to the exclusion of those responsible from reintegration benefits. 

5.  Break with the corrupt practices of the past by ensuring that procedures 
for awarding government contracts are fully transparent. 

6.  Commit to retaining the logging moratorium until other announced forestry 
sector reforms are complete. 

7.  Develop a strategy to press for fuller implementation of the Helsinki MoU 
that takes Jakarta political factors into account, understanding that progress 
will be slow and incremental. 

To the Government of Indonesia:

8.  Work with GAM leaders to set up a dialogue mechanism that has a broader 
mandate than the Communication and Coordination Forum (Forum Komunikasi dan 
Koordinasi, FKK) and can work through some of the problems related to the LOGA, 
including review of draft implementing regulations.

9.  Refrain from funding anti-separatist groups. 

10.  Take care in drafting LOGA implementing regulations that they reflect the 
spirit of the MoU and acknowledge a genuine autonomy for Aceh that is 
qualitatively different than that of other provinces.

11.  Investigate and prosecute backers of illegal logging operations, not just 
low-level labour.

To the Aceh Reintegration Board (BRA) and Reintegration Program Donors:

12.  Hire an independent auditing team with expertise on Aceh to do an in-depth 
assessment of how reintegration funds have been spent and their economic, 
social and political impact. 

13.  Develop a strategic plan for reintegration that includes a common 
understanding of what that concept is; what the ultimate objective of the 
various programs should be; what concrete benchmarks should be set for 2007 and 
2008; and how the program fits into a broader development strategy for Aceh.

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