THE MANAGEMENT OF SEPARATISM ISSUE IN MALUKU CONFLICT

 

By Hengky  Hattu and Semmy Littik

(Team of Assessment for Maluku Conflict  - Sala Waku Maluku Foundation, Ambon)

 

Death, injuries and loss of belongings since 25 April 2004 due to a new round of 
violence in Ambon generate a terrible pain in the hearts of the people in Maluku 
regardless of their religions, tribes and social background.  The process of healing 
after 4 years of fighting suddenly jumps to low altitude.  It seems the intellectual 
actors, terrorists and tugs benefited by the conflict have not satisfied in tormenting 
Maluku people.  How do we know this new violence is organized/orchestrated rather than 
spontaneous/random?     

  

By reviewing the underlying issues of Maluku conflict since 1999, it is clear that the 
justifying issues shift from time to time in order to sustain the horizontal conflict. 
 In the beginning (1999), the provocateurs and government used tribalism as the issue 
to justify the conflict.  Yet, it was not relevant as all tribes suffered in the 
conflict.  Thus, religious issue was manipulated to prolong the conflict.  However, 
outsiders should come to increase the level of violence since the locals were not 
interested.  Aside from their hereditary background as brothers and sisters, the 
locals cannot destroy their own neighborhood and livelihood.  After the conflict ends 
in 2002 due to increasing international pressure and self-awareness of the locals, the 
issue of separatism is on.      

 

Why does this boring and insignificant issue need to be blown up?  The hypothesis is 
that there are efforts to sustain the horizontal conflict as a long-term project 
camouflaged with unreal justifying issues.  Since the religion-based terrorism easily 
attracts international attention these days, the nationalism/separatism issue is 
chosen because nationalism conflict is generally regarded as domestic issue and 
relatively free from international intervention.  However, the management of 
separatism issue in Maluku contains inherent weaknesses that can potentially destroy 
the image of Indonesia internationally and speed up the disintegration of the country. 
 

 

First of all, the separatism issue has been wrongly identified with one religion.  The 
dichotomy of religious groups obviously result in conflict between masses of different 
religions, although the Head of Maluku Office of Religious Affairs (Mr. Hasyim 
Marasabessy) and the Chairman of the Synod of Maluku Protestant Church (Rev. Hendriks) 
categorized this violence has nothing to do with religion.  They were right because 
the conflicting groups in fact stand for Indonesia.  No justification for 
pro-Indonesia group to destroy houses and churches funded and built by Indonesia, or 
killed pro-Indonesia supporters, including children, women and the innocents.  The 
anarchy and indiscriminate destructions and killings by the so-called pro-Indonesia 
group show that the nationalism/separatism issue only conceals the religious 
radicalism/terrorism.  In fact national political parties in Indonesia contain members 
from various religions in Indonesia.  Thus, identifying one religious group as a 
separatist or a nationalist group in Maluku conflict is immoral and foolish.  The 
field evidences can easily destroy the nationalism/separatism issue as the roots of 
the new Ambon violence because the security forces shoot at the pro-Indonesia groups 
that break the laws.  The international communities will certainly perceive this 
violence as religious terrorism encouraged and tolerated by the Government of 
Indonesia.      

 

The second weakness is that separatism/nationalism issue is not popular in Maluku.  In 
fact, the government officials in Jakarta and Ambon, consciously or na�vely, love to 
blow up this issue each year closed to April 25 (the South Maluku Republic Day).  The 
Major of Ambon, Mr. M.J. Papilaya, called that Day as "annual entertainment" for the 
public since a small number of separatists and noisy security officials busily prepare 
"the party" while the public at large are not interested in their show.  Daily life in 
Maluku is tiring enough to care for the past political nostalgia.  This issue is 
unworthy and insignificant for Maluku people.  In fact, the local communities 
generally make sure no separatist ceremony in their neighborhood.  The people usually 
find the separatist flags in trees or poles, while the security personnel only come to 
take them down.  It means that the people of Maluku fully comprehend the 
separatism/nationalism issue.  Most people do not understand why the police arrested 
the separatists after their flag ceremony and did not stop the ceremony.  In fact the 
law enforcement officials in Maluku already knew the time and place of the ceremony.  
The central and local government, including the security officials, must learn from 
those facts to avoid acting naively in this case.  Otherwise, the government can be 
blamed as the provocateur of public chaos using separatism/ nationalism issue.  By 
continually talking about the separatist activities in news media, the government 
(including the security officials) helps to boost the popularity and image of the 
separatist group.  Indeed, the reverse action is needed through low-profile 
interactive and persuasive approach in the field, in terms of open dialogs and public 
education in civic and legal matters.  The aims of this approach are to promote good 
understanding between the government and the people, and to improve self-awareness of 
individuals and security of their immediate community.



The other weakness of separatism issue in Maluku is that this issue has no weight in 
international level.  Besides lacking an armed wing, this group is not popular in 
local communities.  By comparison, the East Timor movement enjoyed popular support of 
the locals, completed with a political wing (Fretelin), armed forces (Falintil), 
skillful international lobbyist (Ramos Horta), charismatic national leader (Xanana 
Gusmao) and extensive international network (East Timor Alert Network, ETAN).  The 
East Timor issue was attractive internationally, i.e. the invasion of Indonesia to the 
sovereign nation of East Timor.  These combinations made the position of Indonesian 
government difficult in international community.   The former Foreign Affairs Minister 
of Indonesia, Mr. Ali Alatas, called it as "rubbles inside Indonesia shoes".  
Furthermore, the current separatist group in Maluku emerged in the peak of Maluku 
conflict.  So, the people of Maluku in grass-root level know exactly that this group 
has nothing to do with Maluku conflict since 1999.  It is proven by the fact that this 
group was rejected from attending the Malino peace negotiation between Moslems and 
Christians from Maluku in 2002 without any impact.  Oddly, the Deputy of Army 
Commander Lt. Gen. Joko Santoso, the former Maluku Army Regional Commander, naively 
blamed the separatist group as the roots of Maluku conflict (Siwalima newspaper, 24 
April 2004).  Evidently, the separatist group can hold flag ceremony and independent 
day freely and publicly every year unarmed.  The security forces and general public 
know when and where exactly they will proceed with the gathering.  Therefore, the 
solution does not need military approach, but interactive-persuasive dialogs and law 
enforcement because the Indonesian laws have been completed with respective punishment 
for every offense.  At present democratic society, high-ranking officials must 
exercise and learn how to communicate and guide the society with elegant and 
non-militaristic opinions because the people of Maluku have acquired higher social and 
emotional intelligence after 4 years manipulated by the elites.  Speaking publicly 
without consistent actions merely show the naivety of the government and give an 
impression that the government is deliberately provoking unstable public emotion in 
Maluku.  The excess of public conditioning through mass media is more dangerous than 
the flag ceremony of the separatist group.  Unwise handling of this issue will 
potentially rises problems for the Government of Indonesia in international level, if 
the separatist group is able to use authentic field evidences showing the Government 
officials (including the security officers) as the provocateurs of Ambon violence, 
consciously or unconsciously.  These evidences may also show the failure of Indonesian 
government to protect the civilians resulting in the destruction of the offices of 
UNDP and other international organizations in Ambon, tortures and killings of 
innocents including babies, children, women and old people, and destruction of 
civilian belongings by the self-proclaimed the defenders of Indonesia sovereignty. The 
international community is very sensitive with the issues of children, women, 
genocide, terrorism and militarism.  

 

In conclusion, the separatist issue is not worthy to justify Maluku conflict.  
However, if this issue is deliberately forced to rationalize the ongoing horizontal 
conflict in Maluku for the sake of the elites, willfully or not, we will repeat the 
failures in handling the East Timor case.  In East Timor, the wrongdoings of local 
security officers and local government ruined the image of Indonesian government in 
the eyes of international communities and East Timor people.  Eventually, the East 
Timorese and international communities became sympathetic to the struggles of 
Fretelin/Falinitil resulting in free Timor Leste nation and human right violation by 
Indonesian armed forces, police, civilian officials and tugs.  Hopefully we can avoid 
the same rock.  We wish that our hypothesis is wrong, so that peace and prosperity 
will come back soon to Maluku.

 

Ambon, 30 April 2004  



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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