http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/FG28Ae06.html


Asia Times
28 July 2004

Power-hungry military overshadows Indonesia
By Richel Langit

JAKARTA - Indonesia's fledging democracy has come under threat as the
country's power-hungry military is seeking to regain its old powers lost to
reform movements since 1998.

In the Indonesian military bill submitted to the House of Representatives
(DPR) for deliberations recently, the military (known as the TNI) seeks to
revive its territorial command, reintroduce its dual functions and limit the
president's authority over the institution to approving troop deployment for
war and civic services only.

The DPR is planning to start deliberating on the bill early next week and
has promised to endorse it on September 30, just one day before the new
members of the DPR elected in the April 5 legislative elections are to take
their oaths of office. This means the DPR will have only 45 days to
deliberate on the bill, which, if passed, will seriously undermine civilian
supremacy and jeopardize the country's young and fragile democracy.

That the DPR insists on deliberating on and endorsing the bill now suggests
that the military is out to fight for what it wants. The military and police
will leave the DPR by the end of September and the DPR has agreed to endorse
the bill around that time. The military clearly wants to participate in the
deliberation and ensure that its demands - territorial function and dual
role, among others - are accommodated in the bill.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P) has thrown its backing behind the bill, despite all of its flaws.
Fears are rising that PDI-P, which badly needs the military's support to win
the September 20 runoff election, will support the bill all the way to its
endorsement in order to win the military's backing in the election. PDI-P is
the biggest faction in the DPR; it and the military together hold 191 seats
in the 500-member DPR. But with anti-military feelings subsiding, the people
at large will likely pay little attention to the deliberations of the bill.

After the downfall of authoritarian leader Suharto in May 1998, the powerful
military embarked on a series of internal reforms largely aimed at forming a
strong, professional military force deemed necessary to guard the world's
largest archipelagic country. This return-to-barracks policy requires the
military to abstain from practical politics and forces the institution to
abandon its territorial command - which in practice means deploying troops
down to the regency level - and dual functions, defense and socio-political
roles.

In 2002 the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the country's highest
legislative body, decided to end the presence of military and police
personnel in both the DPR and the MPR by 2004 and 2009, respectively.
Therefore, as current DPR members end their tenure on September 30, the
military and police will also officially quit the DPR on that day.

The military, which undoubtedly remains the country's strongest political
entity, earned praise and respect in the April 5 legislative elections and
the July 5 presidential elections as its personnel stayed largely neutral
throughout the democratic process, despite the fact that three retired army
generals contested in the presidential poll.

But the military's attempts to revive territorial command and to reintroduce
its dual functions have put into serious question its commitment to reforms
as well as the democratization process in the world's largest Muslim
country.

The military's proposal to regain its old powers also reveals its ignorance,
because it goes against MPR decree No 6/2001, which limits the military's
role to safeguarding the country from external attacks, while leaving the
police in charge of national-security issues.

It has become public knowledge that Suharto introduced the military's
territorial function in the late 1960s as part of his efforts to control the
political life of the people down to the village level. During his 32 years
of leadership, military personnel spied over movements and activities of the
public at large, especially those critical to government policies, in the
name of political stability and economic growth. Many government critics
were arrested and put behind bars on charges of inciting the people to rise
up against the Suharto government.

The bill, which was drafted by the Ministry of Defense, also reintroduces
the military's dual functions, which justified the military's involvement in
practical politics during Suharto's reign. Under the doctrine, Suharto, a
retired army general, mobilized military personnel to cow people into
supporting his political bandwagon Golkar for more than three decades. In
return, Suharto provided seats in both the MPR and the DPR for both the
military and the police. Currently, the military and police have 38 seats in
both the MPR and the DPR, despite the fact they do not participate in
elections.

The dual functions also allowed active military personnel to take up
civilian posts in the bureaucracy and other high state institutions. Very
often active military officers were appointed governors and regents or
secretaries general and other high-ranking offices in government departments
or other high state institutions.

The dual functions, however, came to an abrupt end after the downfall of
Suharto in May 1998, thanks to strong public demand for the military to
concentrate on defense issues and leave politics to civilians. Active
officers holding civilian positions were told to return or resign from the
military service. Surprisingly, most of them opted to leave the service.

In addition to its requests for the return of old powers, the TNI bill also
aims to limit the authority of the president over the military to approving
troop deployment for war, leaving deployment for other purposes, including
quelling social unrest and secessionist movements, under the authority of
the military chief. Under its original version released last year, the
military was even authorized to declare a state of emergency in certain
areas and deploy troops there without necessarily asking for approval from
the president. This clearly contradicts prevailing laws that position the
president as the supreme commander of the country's military force.

During a presidential debate held before the July 5 elections, front-runners
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Megawati Sukarnoputri gave no clear answers to
questions related to the military's future political roles. Given the fact
that Yudhoyono is a retired army general and Megawati has turned a blind eye
to the draft, the two are likely to offer political concessions to the
military, especially if the compromises will help them win the September 20
runoff elections.

With the DPR already setting the endorsement date on September 30,
pro-democracy activists are worried that horse-trading will mark the bill's
deliberations. The legislators insist on completing the TNI bill before the
current DPR tenure expires, to give legislators from the military an
opportunity to participate in the deliberation.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact
[EMAIL PROTECTED] for information on our sales and syndication policies.)



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