Indonesians' choice: change or status quo

By ERIC TEO CHU CHEOW
Special to The Japan Times

SINGAPORE -- Indonesians go to the polls Sept. 20 in the second round of balloting to 
choose between Megawati Sukarnoputri and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (affectionally known 
as SBY) as president for the next five years. 
The polls are in fact the third round of elections to be held in Indonesia this year 
following the legislative, regional and local polls in April and the first round of 
the presidential elections July 5. This has been a great year for Indonesian 
democracy, although one may wonder whether Indonesians are suffering from electoral 
fatigue at this point. 

Since this is the first Indonesian presidential election by universal suffrage, voting 
trends are still not well understood. The current elections center on two sets of 
dialectics: 

*Will organization or popular charisma prevail? 

*Will there be change, or will the status quo continue? 

After many years of authoritarian rule by strongman Suharto, Indonesians were thrilled 
to participate in round one. Many of the older generation remember the charisma of 
Indonesia's founding father and first president, Sukarno, who, as a consummate 
politician, united the nation and won the hearts of Indonesians through his fiery 
speeches. Suharto, on the other hand, held the country together through a powerful 
organization, Golongan Karya (Golkar), which was run almost along military lines. 

Many Indonesians will recall these two father figures as they go to vote. Unlike her 
father (Sukarno), Megawati is uncharismatic, while SBY -- like Sukarno -- has popular 
appeal. Her electoral strategy appears based on the strength of "organization" rather 
than on charisma. She formed the Nationhood Coalition with three other parties: 
Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP) of Vice President Hamzah Haz and a smaller 
party known as the Peace and Prosperous Party. She is counting on organization and 
grassroots support to win over the 145 million-strong electorate. 

Meanwhile, SBY has renounced the idea of forming a political coalition before the 
election and has refused to "horse-trade" Cabinet posts for support. He has campaigned 
solely on personality. SBY has already stated that, if elected, he will accord 40 
percent of the Cabinet posts to his supporters, 40 percent to nonpartisan 
professionals and only 20 percent to political parties and politicians. 

Considered handsome by most Indonesian women, SBY is said to be playing up his 
charisma to win over Indonesians, despite a weak party apparatus. His Partei Democrat 
got only 7.5 percent of the vote in the legislative elections, good for 54 seats in 
Parliament (about 10 percent of the total). Yet, in the first round of the 
presidential polls, SBY received almost 22 percent of the vote -- nearly 3 percent 
more than the incumbent. A new party, "PKS," has just pledged support to SBY, a 
strategic move clearly aimed at distinguishing itself from "status quo" parties and 
Megawati. 

SBY's handicap is a practically nonexistent party machine and grassroots organization. 
By contrast, Megawati is counting on her political coalition to mobilize support in 
all 32 provinces of Indonesia. Her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, 
comprises a vast grassroots organization, although it has weakened considerably in the 
past two years due to Megawati's flagging leadership of the party. 

Still, she can depend on Golkar with its tight political structure. Golkar is 
especially powerful in eastern Indonesia, an area crucial to Megawati if she hopes to 
win. SBY is counting on his running mate Yusuf Kalla, a Sulawesian, to bring over the 
eastern provinces. 

To secure the Muslim vote (although there is no real Muslim vote, per se), both 
candidates have pulled out all the stops. Megawati chose as her running mate a 
renowned Muslim leader, Hashim Muzardi of Nadlatul Ulama (Indonesia's largest Muslim 
organization with some 40 million cardholders). Her ties with Hamzah's PPP represent 
another attempt to reach out to Muslims, as the PPP is the biggest Muslim party in the 
new legislature elected in April. 

For his part, SBY is emphasizing his Muslim credentials as well as those of his 
running mate, Kalla. Both are reputed to be devout Muslims. 

The presidential campaign is being molded by an electoral tactic first advanced by the 
SBY camp. It has framed the election as a choice of "change or status quo," with SBY 
calling for change. Aware that Indonesians are not accustomed to political change in 
their history, SBY is spicing up the campaign by denouncing the status quo for 
allegedly perpetuating evils ranging from corruption and economic paralysis to 
unemployment and the lack of social justice. 

Megawati then comes out to defend her platform by promising to do better in her second 
term and to end Indonesia's stagnation. She has called for greater economic stability 
after introducing measures along this line following the whimsical and unpredictable 
years of her predecessors, B.J. Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid. But she also needs to 
prove that she can do better against the twin scourges of corruption and terrorism, 
which reared its ugly head again Thursday with the bombing of the Australian Embassy 
in Jakarta. 

Regardless of who wins Sept. 20, Indonesians may still face another five years of 
uncertainty as either outcome poses risks. 

SBY's military temperament and his reluctance to work with political parties and 
organizations could lead to a paralysis that prevents the executive and legislative 
branches from working together. On the other hand, Megawati, by tying her hands with 
political commitments, may again become a prisoner of party politics. There are 
already rumors that, to secure Golkar's support, she has promised it eight Cabinet 
posts, mainly in economic fields. This could weaken the second term of her presidency, 
especially since she she must also compete for the military's support. 

Eric Teo Chu Cheow is council secretary of the Singapore Institute for International 
Affairs. 

The Japan Times: Sept. 14, 2004
(C) All rights reserved 



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