http://www.fpif.org/papers/0409iraqtrans.html

FPIF Policy Study
September 2004

A Failed "Transition": The Mounting Costs of the Iraq War
By the Institute for Policy Studies and Foreign Policy In Focus


"Just the Numbers" factsheet feel free to photocopy and share (.pdf 
document)

KEY FINDINGS
A Failed 'Transition' is the most comprehensive accounting of the mounting 
costs of the Iraq war on the United States, Iraq, and the world. Among its 
major findings are stark figures about the escalation of costs in these most 
recent three months of "transition" to Iraqi rule, a period that the Bush 
administration claimed would be characterized by falling human and economic 
costs.
1. U.S. Military Casualties Have Been Highest During the "Transition": U.S. 
military casualties (wounded and killed) stand at a monthly average of 747 
since the so-called "transition" to Iraqi rule on June 28, 2004. This 
contrasts with a monthly average of 482 U.S. military casualties during the 
invasion (March 20-May 1, 2003) and a monthly average of 415 during the 
occupation (May 2, 2003-June 28, 2004).
2. Non-Iraqi Contractor Deaths Have Also Been Highest During the 
"Transition": There has also been a huge increase in the average monthly 
deaths of U.S. and other non-Iraqi contractors since the "transition." On 
average, 17.5 contractors have died each month since the June 28 
"transition," versus 7.6 contractor deaths per month during the previous 14 
months of occupation.
3. Estimated Strength of Iraqi Resistance Skyrockets: Because the U.S. 
military occupation remains in place, the "transition" has failed to win 
Iraqi support or diminish Iraqi resistance to the occupation. According to 
Pentagon estimates, the number of Iraqi resistance fighters has quadrupled 
between November of 2003 and early September 2004, from 5,000 to 20,000. The 
Deputy Commander of Coalition forces in Iraq, British Major General Andrew 
Graham, indicated to Time magazine in early September that he thinks the 
20,000 estimate is too low; he estimates Iraqi resistance strength at 
40,000-50,000. This rise is even starker when juxtaposed to Brookings 
Institution estimates that an additional 24,000 Iraqi resistance fighters 
have been detained or killed between May 2003 and August 2004.
4. U.S.- led Coalition Shrinks Further After "Transition": The number of 
countries identified as members of the Coalition backing the U.S.-led war 
started with 30 on March 18, 2003, then grew in the early months of the war. 
Since then, eight countries have withdrawn their troops and Costa Rica has 
demanded to be taken off the coalition list. At the war's start, coalition 
countries represented 19.1 percent of the world's population; today, the 
remaining countries with foces in Iraq represent only 13.6 percent of the 
world's population.




Highlights of "A Failed 'Transition'"
I. Costs to the United States
A. HUMAN COSTS TO THE U.S. AND ALLIES
U.S. Military Deaths: Between the start of war on March 19, 2003 and 
September 22, 2004, 1,175 coalition forces were killed, including 1,040 U.S. 
military. Of the total, 925 were killed after President Bush declared the 
end of combat operations on May 1, 2003. Over 7,413 U.S. troops have been 
wounded since the war began, 6,953 (94 percent) since May 1, 2003.
Contractor Deaths: As of September 22, 2004, there has been an estimated 154 
civilian contractors, missionaries, and civilian worker deaths since May 1, 
2004. Of these, 52 have been identified as Americans.
Journalist Deaths: Forty-four international media workers have been killed 
in Iraq as of September 22, 2004, including 33 since President Bush declared 
the end of combat operations. Eight of the dead worked for U.S. companies.
B. SECURITY COSTS
Terrorist Recruitment and Action: According to the London-based 
International Institute for Strategic Studies, al Qaeda's membership is now 
at 18,000, with 1,000 active in Iraq. The State Department's 2003 "Patterns 
of Global Terrorism," documented 625 deaths and 3,646 injuries due to 
terrorist attacks in 2003. The report acknowledged that "significant 
incidents," increased from 60 percent of total attacks in 2002 to 84 percent 
in 2003.
Low U.S. Credibility: Polls reveal that the war has damaged the U.S. 
government's standing and credibility in the world. Surveys in eight 
European and Arab countries demonstrated broad public agreement that the war 
has hurt, rather than helped, the war on terrorism. At home, 52 percent of 
Americans polled by the Annenberg Election Survey disapprove of Bush's 
handling of Iraq.
Military Mistakes: A number of former military officials have criticized the 
war, including retired Marine General Anthony Zinni, who has charged that by 
manufacturing a false rationale for war, abandoning traditional allies, 
propping up and trusting Iraqi exiles, and failing to plan for post-war 
Iraq, the Bush Administration made the United States less secure.
Low Troop Morale and Lack of Equipment: A March 2004 army survey found 52 
percent of soldiers reporting low morale, and three-fourths reporting they 
were poorly led by their officers. Lack of equipment has been an ongoing 
problem. The Army did not fully equip soldiers with bullet-proof vests until 
June 2004, forcing many families to purchase them out of their own pockets.
Loss of First Responders: National Guard troops make up almost one-third of 
the U.S. Army troops now in Iraq. Their deployment puts a particularly heavy 
burden on their home communities because many are "first responders," 
including police, firefighters, and emergency medical personnel. For 
example, 44 percent of the country's police forces have lost officers to 
Iraq. In some states, the absence of so many Guard troops has raised 
concerns about the ability to handle natural disasters.
Use of Private Contractors: An estimated 20,000 private contractors are 
carrying out work in Iraq traditionally done by the military, despite the 
fact that they often lack sufficient training and are not accountable to the 
same guidelines and reviews as military personnel.
C. ECONOMIC COSTS
The Bill So Far: Congress has approved of $151.1 billion for Iraq. 
Congressional leaders anticipate an additional supplemental appropriation of 
$60 billion after the election.
Long-term Impact on U.S. Economy: Economist Doug Henwood has estimated that 
the war bill will add up to an average of at least $3,415 for every U.S. 
household. Another economist, James Galbraith of the University of Texas, 
predicts that while war spending may boost the economy initially, over the 
long term it is likely to bring a decade of economic troubles, including an 
expanded trade deficit and high inflation.
Oil Prices: U.S. crude oil prices spiked at $48 per barrel on August 19, 
2004, the highest level since 1983, a development that most analysts 
attribute at least in part to the deteriorating situation in Iraq. According 
to a mid-May CBS survey, 85 percent of Americans said they had been affected 
measurably by higher gas prices. According to one estimate, if crude oil 
prices stay around $40 a barrel for a year, U.S. gross domestic product will 
decline by more than $50 billion.
Economic Impact on Military Families: Since the beginning of the wars in 
Iraq and Afghanistan, 364,000 reserve troops and National Guard soldiers 
have been called for military service, serving tours of duty that often last 
20 months. Studies show that between 30 and 40 percent of reservists and 
National Guard members earn a lower salary when they leave civilian 
employment for military deployment. Army Emergency Relief has reported that 
requests from military families for food stamps and subsidized meals 
increased "several hundred percent" between 2002 and 2003.
D. SOCIAL COSTS
U.S. Budget and Social Programs: The Bush administration's combination of 
massive spending on the war and tax cuts for the wealthy means less money 
for social spending. The $151.1 billion expenditure for the war through this 
year could have paid for: close to 23 million housing vouchers; health care 
for over 27 million uninsured Americans; salaries for nearly 3 million 
elementary school teachers; 678,200 new fire engines; over 20 million Head 
Start slots for children; or health care coverage for 82 million children. A 
leaked memo from the White House to domestic agencies outlines major cuts 
following the election, including funding for education, Head Start, home 
ownership, job training, medical research and homeland security.
Social Costs to the Military: In order to meet troop requirements in Iraq, 
the Army has extended the tours of duty for soldiers. These extensions have 
been particularly difficult for reservists, many of whom never expected to 
face such long separations from their jobs and families. According to 
military policy, reservists are not supposed to be on assignment for more 
than 12 months every 5-6 years. To date, the average tour of duty for all 
soldiers in Iraq has been 320 days. A recent Army survey revealed that more 
than half of soldiers said they would not re-enlist.
Costs to Veteran Health Care: About 64 percent of the more than 7,000 U.S. 
soldiers injured in Iraq received wounds that prevented them from returning 
to duty. One trend has been an increase in amputees, the result of improved 
body armor that protects vital organs but not extremities. As in previous 
wars, many soldiers are likely to have received ailments that will not be 
detected for years to come. The Veterans Administration healthcare system is 
not prepared for the swelling number of claims. In May, the House of 
Representatives approved funding for FY 2005 that is $2.6 billion less than 
needed, according to veterans' groups.
Mental Health Costs: The New England Journal of Medicine reported in July 
2004 that 1 in 6 soldiers returning from war in Iraq showed signs of 
post-traumatic stress disorder, major depression, or severe anxiety. Only 23 
to 40 percent of respondents in the study who showed signs of a mental 
disorder had sought mental health care.

II. Costs to Iraq
A. HUMAN COSTS
Iraqi Deaths and Injuries: As of September 22, 2004, between 12,800 and 
14,843 Iraqi civilians have been killed as a result of the U.S. invasion and 
ensuing occupation, while an estimated 40,000 Iraqis have been injured. 
During "major combat" operations, between 4,895 and 6,370 Iraqi soldiers and 
insurgents were killed.
Effects of Depleted Uranium: The health impacts of the use of depleted 
uranium weaponry in Iraq are yet to be known. The Pentagon estimates that 
U.S. and British forces used 1,100 to 2,200 tons of weaponry made from the 
toxic and radioactive metal during the March 2003 bombing campaign. Many 
scientists blame the far smaller amount of DU weapons used in the Persian 
Gulf War for illnesses among U.S. soldiers, as well as a sevenfold increase 
in child birth defects in Basra in southern Iraq.
B. SECURITY COSTS
Rise in Crime: Murder, rape, and kidnapping have skyrocketed since March 
2003, forcing Iraqi children to stay home from school and women to stay off 
the streets at night. Violent deaths rose from an average of 14 per month in 
2002 to 357 per month in 2003.
Psychological Impact: Living under occupation without the most basic 
security has devastated the Iraqi population. A poll conducted by the Iraq 
Center for Research and Strategic Studies in June 2004 found that 80 percent 
of Iraqis believe that coalition forces should leave either immediately or 
directly after the election.
C. ECONOMIC COSTS
Unemployment: Iraqi joblessness doubled from 30 percent before the war to 60 
percent in the summer of 2003. While the Bush administration now claims that 
unemployment has dropped, the U.S. is only employing 120,000 Iraqis, of a 
workforce of 7 million, in reconstruction projects.
Corporate War Profiteering: Most of Iraq's reconstruction has been 
contracted out to U.S. companies, rather than experienced Iraqi firms. Top 
contractor Halliburton is being investigated for charging $160 million for 
meals that were never served to troops and $61 million in cost overruns on 
fuel deliveries. Halliburton employees also took $6 million in kickbacks 
from subcontractors, while other employees have reported extensive waste, 
including the abandonment of $85,000 trucks because they had flat tires.
Iraq's Oil Economy: Anti-occupation violence has prevented Iraq from 
capitalizing on its oil assets. There have been an estimated 118 attacks on 
Iraq's oil infrastructure since June 2003. By September 2004, oil production 
still had not reached pre-war levels and major attacks caused oil exports to 
plummet to a ten-month low in August 2004.
D. SOCIAL COSTS
Health Infrastructure: After more than a decade of crippling sanctions, 
Iraq's health facilities were further damaged during the war and 
post-invasion looting. Iraq's hospitals continue to suffer from lack of 
supplies and an overwhelming number of patients.
Education: UNICEF estimates that more than 200 schools were destroyed in the 
conflict and thousands more were looted in the chaos following the fall of 
Saddam Hussein. The State Department reported on September 15th that 
"Significant obstacles remain in maintaining security for civilian/military 
reconstruction, logistical support and distribution for donations, 
equipment, textbooks and supplies."
Environment: The U.S-led attack damaged water and sewage systems and the 
country's fragile desert ecosystem. It also resulted in oil well fires that 
spewed smoke across the country and left unexploded ordnance that continues 
to endanger the Iraqi people and environment. Mines and unexploded ordnance 
cause an estimated 20 casualties per month.
E. HUMAN RIGHTS COSTS
Even with Saddam Hussein overthrown, Iraqis continue to face human rights 
violations from occupying forces. In addition to the widely publicized 
humiliation and torture of prisoners, abuse has been widespread throughout 
the post-9-11 military operations, with over 300 allegations of abuse in 
Afghanistan, Iraq and Guant�namo. As of mid-August 2004, only 155 
investigations into the existing 300 allegations had been completed.
F. SOVEREIGNTY COSTS
Despite the proclaimed "transfer of sovereignty" to Iraq, the country 
continues to be occupied by U.S. and coalition troops and has severely 
limited political and economic independence. The interim government does not 
have the authority to reverse the nearly 100 orders by former CPA head Paul 
Bremer that, among other things, allow for the privatization of Iraq's 
state-owned enterprises and prohibit preferences for domestic firms in 
reconstruction.

III. Costs to the World
A. HUMAN COSTS
While Americans make up the vast majority of military and contractor 
personnel in Iraq, other U.S.-allied "coalition" troops have suffered 135 
war casualties in Iraq. In addition, the focus on Iraq has diverted 
international resources and attention away from humanitarian crises such as 
in Sudan.
B. DISABLING INTERNATIONAL LAW
The unilateral U.S. decision to go to war in Iraq violated the United 
Nations Charter, setting a dangerous precedent for other countries to seize 
any opportunity to respond militarily to claimed threats, whether real or 
contrived, that must be "pre-empted." The U.S. military has also violated 
the Geneva Convention, making it more likely that in the future, other 
nations will ignore these protections in their treatment of civilian 
populations and detainees.
C. UNDERMINING THE UNITED NATIONS
At every turn, the Bush Administration has attacked the legitimacy and 
credibility of the UN, undermining the institution's capacity to act in the 
future as the centerpiece of global disarmament and conflict resolution. The 
efforts of the Bush administration to gain UN acceptance of an Iraqi 
government that was not elected but rather installed by occupying forces 
undermines the entire notion of national sovereignty as the basis for the UN 
Charter. It was on this basis that Secretary General Annan referred 
specifically to the vantage point of the UN Charter in his September 2004 
finding that the war was illegal.
D. ENFORCING COALITIONS
Faced with opposition in the UN Security Council, the U.S. government 
attempted to create the illusion of multilateral support for the war by 
pressuring other governments to join a so-called "Coalition of the Willing." 
This not only circumvented UN authority, but also undermined democracy in 
many coalition countries, where public opposition to the war was as high as 
90 percent. As of the middle of September, only 29 members of the "Coalition 
of the Willing" had forces in Iraq, in addition to the United States. These 
countries, combined with United States, make up less than 14 percent of the 
world's population.
E. COSTS TO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY
The $151.1 billion spent by the U.S. government on the war could have cut 
world hunger in half and covered HIV/AIDS medicine, childhood immunization 
and clean water and sanitation needs of the developing world for more than 
two years. As a factor in the oil price hike, the war has created concerns 
of a return to the "stagflation" of the 1970s. Already, the world's major 
airlines are expecting an increase in costs of $1 billion or more per month.
F. UNDERMINING GLOBAL SECURITY AND DISARMAMENT
The U.S.-led war and occupation have galvanized international terrorist 
organizations, placing people not only in Iraq but around the world at 
greater risk of attack. The State Department's annual report on 
international terrorism reported that in 2003 there was the highest level of 
terror-related incidents deemed "significant" than at any time since the 
U.S. began issuing these figures.
G. GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL COSTS
U.S.-fired depleted uranium weapons have contributed to pollution of Iraq's 
land and water, with inevitable spillover effects in other countries. The 
heavily polluted Tigris River, for example, flows through Iraq, Iran and 
Kuwait.
H. HUMAN RIGHTS
The Justice Department memo assuring the White House that torture was legal 
stands in stark violation of the International Convention Against Torture 
(of which the United States is a signatory). This, combined with the widely 
publicized mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners by U.S. military and intelligence 
officials, gave new license for torture and mistreatment by governments 
around the world.




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Published by Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF), a joint project of the 
Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC, online at www.irc-online.org) and the 
Institute for Policy Studies (IPS, online at www.ips-dc.org). �2004. All 
rights reserved.
Recommended Citation
IPS/FPIF, "A Failed "Transition": The Mounting Costs of the Iraq War," 
Foreign Policy In Focus (Silver City, NM: Interhemispheric Resource Center, 
September 2004).
Web location:
http://www.fpif.org/papers/0409iraqtrans.html
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